How do they solve satellites? Also their scenario is based on the kessler affect which is super unlikely
The risk of this advantage should be close to 0 -
1 Probability – 0.1 percent chance of a collision. Alexander William Salter, Economics Professor at Texas Tech, ’16, “SPACE DEBRIS: A LAW AND ECONOMICS ANALYSIS OF THE ORBITAL COMMONS” 19 STAN. TECH. L. REV. 221 *numbers replaced with English words The probability of a collision is currently low. Bradley and Wein estimate that the AND , can quickly become significant if future collisions result in runaway debris growth.
2 Time frame – Kessler effect 200 years away. Peter Stubbe, PhD in law @ Johann Wolfgang Goethe University Frankfurt, ’17, State Accountability for Space Debris: A Legal Study of Responsibility for Polluting the Space Environment and Liability for Damage Caused by Space Debris, Koninklijke Brill Publishing, ISBN 978-90-04-31407-8, p. 27-31 The prediction of possible scenarios of the future evolution of the debris p o p AND and such collisions are likely to occur every 5 to 9 years.89
3 Status quo solves – mitigation and remediation compliance growing. Colombo et. al 18—Camilla Colombo, PhD, visiting academic in Spacecraft Engineering within Engineering and Physical Sciences at the University of Southampton; Francesca Letizia, PhD, Space Debris Engineer at ESA Space Debris Office; Mirko Trisolini, PhD, Postdoctoral researcher at the Politecnico di Milano Department of Aerospace Engineering; Hugh Lewis, PhD, Professor within Engineering and Physical Sciences at the University of Southampton (“Space Debris: Risk Mitigation,” from Frontiers of Space Risk: Natural Cosmic Hazards and Societal Challenges, Chapter 5, p 128-136) 5.4 MITIGATION MEASURES The space debris problem is nowadays internationally recognized, therefore AND on its course to reentry in 2028 (see Figure 5.11).
4 Space debris is hype---there are thousands of satellites and only 15 debris collisions ever Mark Albrecht 16, Chairman of the board of USSpace LLC and fmr. head of the National Space Council, “Congested space is a serious problem solved by hard work, not hysteria, 5/9/16, https://spacenews.com/op-ed-congested-space-is-a-serious-problem-solved-by-hard-work-not-hysteria/ There are over a half million pieces of human-made material in orbit around AND marble, and fewer than 15 known collisions. Why do people worry?
Advantage 2
The thesis of our link arguments impact turns the second advantage because the aff relies on western jurdicality into space a metric for resolving violence which only reinstates the violent nature of space colonialism onto the global south
Liberalism in space attempts to consolidate an unprecedented form of empire through making the empire the protectorate of the many through ignoring asymmetrical relations of power – this aporia is significant in liberal astropolitics, with disastrous results. Havercroft and Duvall 9 Raymond D. Duvall is a professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota. Dr Jonathan Havercroft is Associate Professor in International Political Theory within Politics and International Relations at the University of Southampton. “Critical Astropolitics: The Geopolitics of Space Control and the Transformation of State Sovereignty: International Relations Theory and the Politics of.” In N. Bormann, and M. Sheehan (Eds.), Securing Outer Space: International Relations Theory and the Politics of (pp. 42-58). Routledge. tjb Liberal-republican astropolitics Over the past twenty-five years, in a series AND of analysis – be used to supplement and refine critical international relations theory?
Solvency
No way to distribute resources – countries lack the tech – that wrecks solvency – neg on presumption Way, Tyler A. (2018) "The Space Gap, Access to Technology, and the Perpetuation of Poverty," International ResearchScape Journal: Vol. 5 , Article 7. Accessed 2-1-20 CSUF JmB Districts Global Positioning Systems (GPS), communications, internet, and weather satellites are some AND sectors. He describes the revenue streams that are generated by the space industry
Normal means has the plan implemented through the Committee on the Peaceful use of Outer Space. Halstead 10—(B.S., Psychology, The University of Alabama; J.D., The University of Alabama School of Law; LL.M., Institute of Air and Space Law, McGill University; Lieutenant Colonel, U.S. Air Force Judge Advocate General's Corps). C. Brandon Halstead. 2010. "Prometheus Unbound - Proposal for a New Legal Paradigm for Air Law and Space Law: Orbit Law," Journal of Space Law 36, no. 1, 143-206 The debate on how to distinguish airspace from outer space is as old as the AND , including the establishment of a frontier between outer space and atmospheric space18.
OST Fails Evanoff 17 Kyle Evanoff, Kyle is a research associate in international economics and U.S. foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations 10/10/17, "The Outer Space Treaty’s Midlife Funk," Council on Foreign Relations https://www.cfr.org/blog/outer-space-treatys-midlife-funk accessed 12/11/2021 Adam Half a century later, however, the Outer Space Treaty has entered something of AND regime may be untenable over longer timelines, it remains workable for now.
All your solvency advocates assume the aff creates legal institutions and frameworks to create sustainable use of outer space – but you haven’t read an internal link that says simply the declaration of outer space as a global commons does that
1/15/22
JF - Case - AT PTD - Round 2 - Puget Sound
Tournament: Puget Sound | Round: 2 | Opponent: Plano Independent RP | Judge: Alex Sapadin No solvency – SLAPPS means that even if the affirmative is able to create class-action lawsuits they go nowhere or get ridiculed and become more fuel for the climate-denier fire – even if they fail the affirmative plan gets held up in court for years – empirics CLDC, ND (Civil Liberties Defense Center, xx-xx-xxxx, "Anti-SLAPP," https://cldc.org/anti-slapp/, GS) CLDC lawyers have been successful in defending social and climate justice activists and organizations from AND currently leading, and for the activists and organizations targeted by SLAPP bullies.
1/7/22
JF - K - Baudrillard - Round 1 - HWL
Tournament: Harvard-Westlake | Round: 1 | Opponent: Marlborough JH | Judge: Joshua Michael The affirmative is invested in a will to transparency and global modus venvindi which seeks the maximization of norms and satellization of the planet through the installation of a universal security apparatus. Their cooperation over the peaceful use of space succumbs to an understanding of war as reality that expands the operational function of liquidation beyond the atmosphere. Be skeptical of their attachment to transparency, empirical reality, and necessity of security as the search for mastery normalizes an impulse to conquer alterity and produces the very conditions for its collapse. Baudrillard 83 (Jean Baudrillard, who is he really. Simulations translated by Paul Foss, Paul Patton and Philip Beitchman 1983)DR 19
The "space race" played exactly the same role as the nuclear race. AND to his revival, to a second existence as the referential of cruelty).
International cooperation over debris is an ideological smokescreen for neoconservative practices and capital fixes – debris risk is incalculable and their collision cascade arguments are a fantasy, but their modelling practice secures a social fantasy of threat that enables imperial transcendence. Ormord, 12 (James, School of Applied Social Science, University of Brighton, “Beyond world risk society? A critique of Ulrich Beck’s world risk society thesis as a framework for understanding risk associated with human activity in outer space.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2013, volume 31, pages 727 – 744) Prior to the Iridium–Cosmos collision experts placed the odds of two objects larger AND 2009); see also Swyngedouw (2007) on catastrophism and climate change.
The inevitability of the Kessler syndrome reveals that this debate is only a question of whether we reinvest in the future that is already arriving or let capital collapse in on itself. Reno 2018 (Joshua Ozias Reno, Associate Professor of Anthropology at Binghamton University. PhD from the University of Michigan, “Making Time with Amateur Astronomers and Orbital Space Debris: Attunement and the Matter of Temporality” in Journal of Contemporary Archaeology 5.1 (2018) 4–18)DR 19 For one thing, space debris is potentially dangerous to spacecraft. Space debris is AND and deformation not unlike what conventional archaeologists encounter amid the Earth’s beguiling surface.
The aff’s invocation of a cosmopolitan transnational worldview derives from modern conception of the human as self-authoring, sovereign, and rational driver of human progress. Calls for cosmopolitan orientations legitimate those already in possession of global capacity to define the global order, reproducing and intensifying a bifurcated global citizenship on the lines of Man. Jabri 11 Vivienne Jabri is a professor in the Department of War Studies at King’s College - London. “Cosmopolitan politics, security, political subjectivity.” European Journal of International Relations, Vol 18, No 4. P 625-644. The cosmopolitan worldview is narrated across regions and cultures, so that a term that AND as sources of security and the latter as distinct sources of threat.11
When confronted with the ethical injunction of the aff, respond with “I would prefer not to”—vote neg on presumption Baudrillard 98 (Jean Baudrillard, “Present Considerations: The Uncertainty of All Value Systems” xx-xx-1998, GS) It’s also the parody of political emancipation. Is capitalism for you the cold monster AND Marcuse. Decidedly, freedom isn’t simple, and liberation even less so.
1/15/22
JF - K - Baudrillard - Round 2 - Puget Sound
Tournament: Puget Sound | Round: 2 | Opponent: Plano Independent RP | Judge: Alex Sapadin Academia de-fangs their radicalism—they preach to the choir and maintain interpassivity Occupied UC Berkeley 9 (The Necrosocial: Civic Life, Social Death, and the UC; http://anticapitalprojects.wordpress.com/2009/11/19/the-necrosocial/, 11/19 shree) He and his look forward to a reproduction of the logic of representative governance, AND all thought and action, that bind revolution inside books, lecture halls.
Policy debate turns the discussion to train us to see world in a backdrop for capitalist extraction all under the guise of saving the environment while homogenizing the rest of the world into the logic that we all have to save it – that presupposition that the Earth is ours to save mirrors the logic of the political economy wherein nature is always-already condemned to its intelligibility as an extractable value – the 1AC is a Bezos, Musk, and Branson fever dream not one of sustainability for sustainability but sustainability for profitability Wallis, ’20 (Jason James Wallis, “The Holocene Simulacrum,” 10-27-2020, Educational Philosophy and Theory, GS) A central argument of Jean Baudrillard’s The Mirror of Production (1975) pertains to AND productivity and restlessness commensurate with the logic of capitalism (Larsen, 2010).
Power demands legality – the 1AC accepts Western common law’s understanding of itself – one in which power is willed into existence through faith. Their ideals crystallize the authority power requires to function. Comaroff and Comaroff 07. John Comaroff, Professor of African and African American Studies and of Anthropology, Oppenheimer Fellow in African Studies at at Harvard, and Jean Comaroff, Professor of African and African American Studies and of Anthropology, Oppenheimer Fellow in African Studies also at Harvard, “Law and disorder in the postcolony,” Social Anthropology/Anthropologie Sociale (2007) 15, pg. 144 Nor is it just the politics of the present that are being judicialised. As AND sovereign authority, power demands an architecture of legalities. Or their simulacra.
Nuclear war is an outdated fear – nuclear spread is either impossible or is already everywhere Baudrillard 95. Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation: The Precession of Simulacra, pg. 37-40 The simultaneity of two events in the month of July 1975 illustrated this in a striking manner: the linkup in space of the two American and Soviet supersatellites, apotheosis of peaceful coexistence - the suppression by the Chinese of ideogrammatic writing and conversion to the Roman alphabet. The latter signifies the "orbital" instantiation of an abstract and modelized system of signs, into whose orbit all the once unique forms of style and writing will be reabsorbed. The satellization of language: the means for the Chinese to enter the system of peaceful coexistence, which is inscribed in their heavens at precisely the same time by the linkup of the two satellites. Orbital flight of the Big Two, neutralization and homogenization of everyone else on earth. Yet, despite this deterrence by the orbital power - the nuclear or molecular code - events continue at ground level, misfortunes are even more numerous, given the global process of the contiguity and simultaneity of data. But, subtly, they no longer have any meaning, they are no longer anything but the duplex effect of simulation at the summit. The best example can only be that of the war in Vietnam, because it took place at the intersection of a maximum historical and "revolutionary" stake, and of the installation of this deterrent authority. What meaning did this war have, and wasn't its unfolding a means of sealing the end of history in the decisive and culminating historic event of our era? Why did this war, so hard, so long, so ferocious, vanish from one day to the next as if by magic? Why did this American defeat (the largest reversal in the history of the USA) have no internal repercussions in America? If it had really signified the failure of the planetary strategy of the United States, it would necessarily have completely disrupted its internal balance and the American political system. Nothing of the sort occurred. Something else, then, took place. This war, at bottom, was nothing but a crucial episode of peaceful coexistence. It marked the arrival of China to peaceful coexistence. The nonintervention of China obtained and secured after many years, Chinas apprenticeship to a global modus vivendi, the shift from a global strategy of revolution to one of shared forces and empires, the transition from a radical alternative to political alternation in a system now essentially regulated (the normalization of Peking - Washington relations): this was what was at stake in the war in Vietnam, and in this sense, the USA pulled out of Vietnam but won the war. And the war ended "spontaneously" when this objective was achieved. That is why it was deescalated, demobilized so easily. This same reduction of forces can be seen on the field. The war lasted as long as elements irreducible to a healthy politics and discipline of power, even a Communist one, remained unliquidated. When at last the war had passed into the hands of regular troops in the North and escaped that of the resistance, the war could stop: it had attained its objective. The stake is thus that of a political relay. As soon as the Vietnamese had proved that they were no longer the carriers of an unpredictable subversion, one could let them take over. That theirs is a Communist order is not serious in the end: it had proved itself, it could be trusted. It is even more effective than capitalism in the liquidation of "savage" and archaic precapitalist structures. Same scenario in the Algerian war. The other aspect of this war and of all wars today: behind the armed violence, the murderous antagonism of the adversaries - which seems a matter of life and death, which is played out as such (or else one could never send people to get themselves killed in this kind of thing), behind this simulacrum of fighting to the death and of ruthless global stakes the two adversaries are fundamentally in solidarity against something else, unnamed, never spoken, but whose objective outcome in war, with the equal complicity of the two adversaries, is total liquidation. Tribal, communitarian, precapitalist structures, every form of exchange, of language, of symbolic organization, that is what must be abolished, that is the object of murder in war - and war itself, in its immense, spectacular death apparatus, is nothing but the medium of this process of the terrorist rationalization of the social - the murder on which sociality will be founded, whatever its allegiance, Communist or capitalist. Total complicity, or division of labor between two adversaries (who may even consent to enormous sacrifices for it) for the very end of reshaping and domesticating social relations. "The North Vietnamese were advised to countenance a scenario for liquidating the American presence in the course of which, of course, one must save face." This scenario: the extremely harsh bombardments of Hanoi. Their untenable character must not conceal the fact that they were nothing but a simulacrum to enable the Vietnamese to seem to countenance a compromise and for Nixon to make the Americans swallow the withdrawal of their troops. The game was already won, nothing was objectively at stake but the verisimilitude of the final montage. The moralists of war, the holders of high wartime values should not be too discouraged: the war is no less atrocious for being only a simulacrum - the flesh suffers just the same, and the dead and former combatants are worth the same as in other wars. This objective is always fulfilled, just like that of the charting of territories and of disciplinary sociality. What no longer exists is the adversity of the adversaries, the reality of antagonistic causes, the ideological seriousness of war. And also the reality of victory or defeat, war being a process that triumphs well beyond these appearances. In any case, the pacification (or the deterrence) that dominates us today AND a minimal point, of a reversion of energies toward a minimal threshold).
When confronted with the ethical injunction of the aff, respond with “I would prefer not to”—vote neg on presumption
1/7/22
JF - K - Baudrillard - Round 3 - HWL
Tournament: Harvard-Westlake | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harker AS | Judge: Leah Clark-Villanueva The affirmative is invested in a will to transparency and global modus venvindi which seeks the maximization of norms and satellization of the planet through the installation of a universal security apparatus. Their cooperation over the peaceful use of space succumbs to an understanding of war as reality that expands the operational function of liquidation beyond the atmosphere. Be skeptical of their attachment to transparency, empirical reality, and necessity of security as the search for mastery normalizes an impulse to conquer alterity and produces the very conditions for its collapse. Baudrillard 83 (Jean Baudrillard, who is he really. Simulations translated by Paul Foss, Paul Patton and Philip Beitchman 1983)DR 19
The "space race" played exactly the same role as the nuclear race. AND to his revival, to a second existence as the referential of cruelty).
International cooperation over debris is an ideological smokescreen for neoconservative practices and capital fixes – debris risk is incalculable and their collision cascade arguments are a fantasy, but their modelling practice secures a social fantasy of threat that enables imperial transcendence. Ormord, 12 (James, School of Applied Social Science, University of Brighton, “Beyond world risk society? A critique of Ulrich Beck’s world risk society thesis as a framework for understanding risk associated with human activity in outer space.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2013, volume 31, pages 727 – 744) Prior to the Iridium–Cosmos collision experts placed the odds of two objects larger AND 2009); see also Swyngedouw (2007) on catastrophism and climate change.
The aff’s invocation of a cosmopolitan transnational worldview derives from modern conception of the human as self-authoring, sovereign, and rational driver of human progress. Calls for cosmopolitan orientations legitimate those already in possession of global capacity to define the global order, reproducing and intensifying a bifurcated global citizenship on the lines of Man. Jabri 11 Vivienne Jabri is a professor in the Department of War Studies at King’s College - London. “Cosmopolitan politics, security, political subjectivity.” European Journal of International Relations, Vol 18, No 4. P 625-644. The cosmopolitan worldview is narrated across regions and cultures, so that a term that AND as sources of security and the latter as distinct sources of threat.11
When confronted with the ethical injunction of the aff, respond with “I would prefer not to”—vote neg on presumption Baudrillard 98 (Jean, Ex-Prof of Media and Philosophy @ EGS, Paroxysm, p 60shree) JB: The paradox of liberation is that the people liberated are never the ones AND Marcuse. Decidedly, freedom isn’t simple, and liberation even less so.
1/16/22
ND - Case - AT Abolition - Round Octos - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: Octas | Opponent: Troy Independent AP | Judge: Joseph Barquin, Noah Christiansen, Kristiana Baez The affirmative misreads Heitzeg and puts the cart before the horse – color-blind racism gets codified through the prison industrial complex ie the affirmative cannot solve for racism unless they can answer the question “why are people racist” – anything else makes structures inevitable, Stockdale reads green AC Heitzeg, 2008 – St. Catherine University Professor of Sociology and Critical Studies of Race and Ethnicity Rose M. Brewer, is a sociologist and the Morse Alumni Distinguished Teaching Professor AND pedagogies for change that the current situation will be transformed for social justice.
We’ll concede Robinson ’16 – but that frames your ballot because if we either win that the affirmative sustains structures of capital you vote negative because they will only continue to produce their own impacts
Collapse is good—
Prevents extinction from environmental destruction Speth ‘8 (James Gustave, Served as President Jimmy Carter’s White House environmental adviser and as head of the United Nations’ largest agency for international development Prof at Vermont law school. Former dean of the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies at Yale University . Former Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, teaching environmental and constitutional law. .Former Chairman of the Council on Environmental Quality in the Executive Office of the President. Co-founder of the Natural Resources Defense Council. Was law clerk to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo L. Black JD, Yale. The Bridge at the Edge of the World: Capitalism, the Environment, and Crossing from Crisis to Sustainability, Gigapedia, 6-9) But the much larger and more threatening impacts stem from the economic activity of those AND modern capitalism, in each case seeking to identify the transformative changes needed.
Prevents runaway warming which causes extinction. Li 10, (Dr. Minqi, Assistant Professor Department of Economics, University of Utah, “The 21st Century Crisis: Climate Catastrophe or Socialism” Paper prepared for the David Gordon Memorial Lecture at URPE Summer Conference 2010 JH) The global average surface temperature is now about 0.8C (0.8 AND of the means of production and society-wide planning (Section 6).
AND “a” means singular – this isn’t a topicality argument, but a solvency claim that they cannot fix global structures of capitalism with only a singular government recognizing the right to strike Dictionary.com No Date (“Definition of A,” No Publication, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/a) Definition of a (Entry 2 of 13) 1—used as a function word before singular nouns when the referent is unspecified
First ev they read about inequality is a buzzfeed article about squidgame – the card does not say that the public is ready to fight capitalism, rather that the public is ready to watch international shows: this can be turned as part of a broader argument about the way they get information: they need Netflix to tell them that capitalism is bad. The impact is the depersonalization of violence: they view themselves as above the violence of inequality, not realizing that going to a high school that costs more than the average American house hold makes in a year is part of the way people settle their moral equilibriam: reading this affirmative settles Harvard-West lake’s moral equilibriam which allows them to continue the system of violent extraction that they support
AT Lingis
a) Ev just says a gap can lead to a marginalization of democracy but doesn’t describe a terminal
b) No impact to climate change was substantiated so a 1ar would be new – just says the rich may struggle to reverse but doesn’t prove anything
AT Greenhouse
a) this is just in the context of trade workers/unions, not all workers writ large – also no real terminal impact
AT Pope
a) is about social disunity not necessarily people earning less than one another but being disunited that would still exist in the aff because ppl like jeff bezos will still be much wealtheir than the avg person
b) Cribb cites alt causes such as political economic and religious divides which they cant resolve
AT Richter
a) doesn’t substantiate that economic decline really implicates war
b) the K turns this – structural violence perpetuates economic inequality
some more turns here
Unions don’t solve inequality – they’re too weak and tons of alt causes Epstein 20 Richard A. Epstein Peter and Kirsten Bedford Senior Fellow @ the Hoover Institution. "The Decline Of Unions Is Good News." https://www.hoover.org/research/decline-unions-good-news So what then could justify this inefficient provision? One common argument is that unions AND within a given firm have been compromised by higher wages to union workers.
Shutdowns
The incessant productivity of hegemony is a drive toward its own destruction. American hegemonic power has surpassed the domain of being referentially related to any material reality and can now only identify with the image of its own destruction. Pope 7. Professor of Language at York University, Pope, “Baudrillard’s Simulacrum: Of War, Terror, and Obituaries,” October 2007, International Journal of Baudrillard Studies: Volume 4, Number 3 Many of the obituaries printed some variance of the following quote: “It is AND this logic, while engaging in the realm of challenge and the collusive relation
Solvency
The affirmative cannot solve for their own impacts: they say that government shutdowns are bad, so workers should be able to strike, which prevents them. The issue is that workers striking shuts down the government because people stop working ie if workers ever exercise their right to strike it causes all of their impacts.
1) They do not have a piece of evidence saying that the RTS is key to solve income inequality. Even if their ev is right that income inequality writ large is bad they dont resovle a large enough portion. Read their uniqueness evidence it cites education and healthcare.
2) Their argument about income inequality is about the global differences between states wealth and average incomes. Even if there is an increase in income in some sectors, that doesnt mean the disparities b/w the countries get resolved.
3) Their link evidence says they increase incomes by 2-5 which is woefully inefficient to solve, their are massive differences between these countries i.e their uniqueness evidence cites other countries having a 16x difference, that minor increase is insufficient to solve
Ill LBL solvency ev –
burns
- Not about the right to strike in all cases
- Makes a perception argument and says that unions can do their work “through the threat of union- ization “
Richman card doesnt actually make a spillover claim in the evidence or the part they've highlighted
Nolan ev - not reading a CP so irrelevant
Framing
The standard is to prefer form arguments first – if we win a claim that the affirmative shouldn’t have been brought into debate at all that comes before any of their impact scenarios because it directs the logic behind them
AND there’s a Strategic Cover Disad to their model– the use of fiat to overcome links means people are able to outweigh thinks like being racist with their extinction impacts – that means even if they are right that things spill out of debate and they can make a difference you still vote negative because they create neo-conservatives like Kyle Rove, Ted Cruz or Neal Katyeal – even if you don’t believe that they will make bad people, at the very least they won’t have the opportunity to test them which is a terminal solvency deficit to their model
None of their death is bad standards are an answer to our arguments about the nature of their extinction impacts
Governments consistently don’t use utilitarianism or realism – only our theory of power explains why the US was in Vietnam despite knowing it was a losing war and the public being against it
Prison strikes rarely achieves significant reforms, no matter how big or long the strike is – be doubtful how the aff is any different Christie Thompson is a staff writer. Her work has been published by outlets including The New York Times, The Washington Post, NPR, ProPublica, and The Atlantic, 9/1/2016 – “Do Prison Strikes Work?”, https://www.themarshallproject.org/2016/09/21/do-prison-strikes-work//bread On Sept. 9, prisoners across the country stopped showing up for their work AND It’s too soon to tell what the impact of their protests might be.
2. Even Norway’s prisons are immoral and counterproductive — and if that’s possible in the U.S., so is abolition. McLeod 19 — Allegra M. McLeod, Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, former Arthur Liman Public Interest Fellow and Staff Attorney at the Immigration Justice Project holds a Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature from Stanford University and a J.D. from Yale University 2019 (“Envisioning Abolition Democracy,” Harvard Law Review, Volume 132, April 10th, Available Online at https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/1613-1649_Online.pdf, Accessed 06-10-2020, p. 1642) While some of what is most abhorrent in prison-based punishment is associated with AND be best allocated to beautifying prisons rather than radically reducing reliance upon them.
3. By taking the prison itself for granted, the aff’s reformist discourse precludes emancipatory alternatives to the carceral system. Davis 3 — Angela Y. Davis, Professor of the History of Consciousness at the University of California-Santa Cruz, Founder of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, holds a Ph.D. in Philosophy from Humboldt University (Germany), 2003 (“Introduction: Prison Reform or Prison Abolition?,” Are Prisons Obsolete?, Published by Open Media, ISBN 1583225811, p. 20-21) Over the last few years the previous absence of critical positions on prison expansion in AND of justice, where the prison no longer serves as our major anchor.
Solvency
4. Vote Neg on presumption: allowing prisoners to strike doesn’t mean that there will be radical reforms in wages and
5. No solvency: Alt causes: the prison industrial complex includes broken, racist court systems; corrupt policing; prison wages and conditions are minuscule solving for racial injustice and structural violence, at best they get solving like 5 of structural violence, and even then, prio structural violence
6. Anything short of abolition can’t “solve” mass incarceration. Dubler and Lloyd 20 — Joshua Dubler, Assistant Professor of Religion at the University of Rochester, holds a Ph.D. in Religion from Princeton University, and Vincent W. Lloyd, Associate Professor of Theology and Religious Studies and Director of the Africana Studies Program at Villanova University, holds a Ph.D. in Rhetoric from the University of California-Berkeley, 2020 (“Why Not Prison Abolition?,” Break Every Yoke: Religion, Justice, and the Abolition of Prisons, Published by Oxford University Press, ISBN 9780190949174, p. ebook) What would it take to truly “end mass incarceration”? As a thought AND path we have ventured, no reform agenda is capable of that.29
FW
7. Framework — the role of this debate should be about the development of movements to challenge institutional racism—whether or not the aff’s reform is good or bad is secondary to how reforms comes in to be Alexander 10, Associate Professor of Law 2010, Michelle Alexander, is an associate professor of law at Ohio State University, a civil rights advocate and a writer. “New Jim Crow : Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness” ProQuest ebrary, pp. 221-224 The list could go on, of course, but the point has been made AND We run the risk of winning isolated battles but losing the larger war.
1/6/22
ND - Case - AT Prison Strikes - Round 6 - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: 6 | Opponent: Marlborough EW | Judge: Ben Cortez Prison strikes rarely achieves significant reforms, no matter how big or long the strike is – be doubtful how the aff is any different Christie Thompson is a staff writer. Her work has been published by outlets including The New York Times, The Washington Post, NPR, ProPublica, and The Atlantic, 9/1/2016 – “Do Prison Strikes Work?”, https://www.themarshallproject.org/2016/09/21/do-prison-strikes-work//bread On Sept. 9, prisoners across the country stopped showing up for their work AND It’s too soon to tell what the impact of their protests might be. 2. Even Norway’s prisons are immoral and counterproductive — and if that’s possible in the U.S., so is abolition. McLeod 19 — Allegra M. McLeod, Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, former Arthur Liman Public Interest Fellow and Staff Attorney at the Immigration Justice Project holds a Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature from Stanford University and a J.D. from Yale University 2019 (“Envisioning Abolition Democracy,” Harvard Law Review, Volume 132, April 10th, Available Online at https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/1613-1649_Online.pdf, Accessed 06-10-2020, p. 1642) While some of what is most abhorrent in prison-based punishment is associated with AND be best allocated to beautifying prisons rather than radically reducing reliance upon them.
3. By taking the prison itself for granted, the aff’s reformist discourse precludes emancipatory alternatives to the carceral system. Davis 3 — Angela Y. Davis, Professor of the History of Consciousness at the University of California-Santa Cruz, Founder of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, holds a Ph.D. in Philosophy from Humboldt University (Germany), 2003 (“Introduction: Prison Reform or Prison Abolition?,” Are Prisons Obsolete?, Published by Open Media, ISBN 1583225811, p. 20-21) Over the last few years the previous absence of critical positions on prison expansion in AND of justice, where the prison no longer serves as our major anchor.
Solvency
4. Vote Neg on presumption: allowing prisoners to strike doesn’t mean that there will be radical reforms in wages and
5. No solvency: Alt causes: the prison industrial complex includes broken, racist court systems; corrupt policing; prison wages and conditions are minuscule solving for racial injustice and structural violence, at best they get solving like 5 of structural violence, and even then, prio structural violence
6. Anything short of abolition can’t “solve” mass incarceration. Dubler and Lloyd 20 — Joshua Dubler, Assistant Professor of Religion at the University of Rochester, holds a Ph.D. in Religion from Princeton University, and Vincent W. Lloyd, Associate Professor of Theology and Religious Studies and Director of the Africana Studies Program at Villanova University, holds a Ph.D. in Rhetoric from the University of California-Berkeley, 2020 (“Why Not Prison Abolition?,” Break Every Yoke: Religion, Justice, and the Abolition of Prisons, Published by Oxford University Press, ISBN 9780190949174, p. ebook) What would it take to truly “end mass incarceration”? As a thought AND path we have ventured, no reform agenda is capable of that.29
FW
7. Framework — the role of this debate should be about the development of movements to challenge institutional racism—whether or not the aff’s reform is good or bad is secondary to how reforms comes in to be Alexander 10, Associate Professor of Law 2010, Michelle Alexander, is an associate professor of law at Ohio State University, a civil rights advocate and a writer. “New Jim Crow : Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness” ProQuest ebrary, pp. 221-224 The list could go on, of course, but the point has been made AND We run the risk of winning isolated battles but losing the larger war.
1/6/22
ND - K - Abolition - Round 2 - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: 2 | Opponent: Marlborough ED | Judge: Kristiana Baez The prison system is irredeemable and intrinsically anti-black -- only abolition can challenge racialized criminalization Roberts 19 (Dorothy E. Roberts -- George A. Weiss University Professor of Law and Sociology + University of Pennsylvania; Raymond Pace and Sadie Tanner Mossell Alexander Professor of Civil Rights + University of Pennsylvania Law School; Professor of Africana Studies and Professor of Sociology + University of Pennsylvania School of Arts and Sciences, “The Supreme Court 2018 Term”, “Foreword: Abolition Constitutionalism”, Number I, Volum 133, November 2019, pgs. 12-40) The United States stands out from all nations on Earth for its reliance on caging AND eradicate prisons by addressing these needs and problems in radically different ways.264
There is no reform of making prison conditions better – the Prison-Industrial Complex itself is the product of liberal reforms — any strategy that accepts institutionalized state violence can only perpetuate it. Rodríguez 19 — Dylan Rodríguez, Professor of Ethnic Studies and Chair of the Academic Senate at the University of California-Riverside, holds a Ph.D. in Ethnic Studies from the University of California-Berkeley, 2019 (“Abolition as Praxis of Human Being: A Foreword,” Harvard Law Review, Volume 132, April 10th, Available Online at https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/1575-1612_Online.pdf, Accessed 03-23-2020, p. 1600-1602) As an alternative, the ongoing present tense of normalized and legally sanctioned carceral torture AND system might actually hinder the more substantial transformation American criminal justice needs.”90
Their focus on prison labor, proven by HRW ’19 allowing prison labours to publicize their conditions, as a part of the prison industrial complex is a diversionary tactic that normalizes broader forms of population control utilized by neoliberal governments. This is not a semantic point – this mindset informs of how they view non-prison labor and replicates class based racism. Ertel 15 - JACOB ERTEL Jacob Ertel is a graduate of Oberlin College (Oberlin), where he studied Political Economy. Ertel was an organizer for Students for a Free Palestine (SFP), an affiliate of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), on the Oberlin campus. AUGUST 10, 2015 https://www.counterpunch.org/2015/08/10/do-we-need-to-rethink-the-prison-industrial-complex/ As a rhetorical tool, the notion of the PIC has been central in galvanizing AND movement and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
There’s no single explanation for the rise of mass incarceration besides carceral logic itself Wang 18 — Jackie Wang, Radcliffe Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of African and African American Studies at Harvard University, interviewed by M. Buna, freelance writer, 2018 (“Carceral Capitalism: A Conversation with Jackie Wang,” LA Review of Books, May 13th, Available Online at https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/carceral-capitalism-conversation-jackie-wang/, Accessed 06-28-2020) Do you envision Carceral Capitalism becoming part of the ever-expanding curriculum for teaching AND environment. I hope that Carceral Capitalism will spark conversations and organizing efforts.
The Alternative is to BURN DOWN institutions of governance and reform—fantasies of civil participation fail to resist the violence executed by the state and accommodate its continuation through a belief that the system can be corrected. Abolition as an insurgent politics is a refusal to negotiate and seek recognition from the state in order to lead to change. Abraham’18 (Katherine Kelly Abraham Burn it Down: Abolition, Insurgent Political Praxis, and the Destruction of Decency,” Abolition: A Journal of Insurgent Politics 1, no. 2 April 2018)JP This journal calls for abolition, a call implicitly asserting that contemporary sociopolitical and economic AND very political violence that insures its core function, operation, and maintenance.
1/6/22
ND - K - Abolition - Round 6 - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: 6 | Opponent: Marlborough EW | Judge: Ben Cortez The prison system is irredeemable and intrinsically anti-black -- only abolition can challenge racialized criminalization Roberts 19 (Dorothy E. Roberts -- George A. Weiss University Professor of Law and Sociology + University of Pennsylvania; Raymond Pace and Sadie Tanner Mossell Alexander Professor of Civil Rights + University of Pennsylvania Law School; Professor of Africana Studies and Professor of Sociology + University of Pennsylvania School of Arts and Sciences, “The Supreme Court 2018 Term”, “Foreword: Abolition Constitutionalism”, Number I, Volum 133, November 2019, pgs. 12-40) The United States stands out from all nations on Earth for its reliance on caging AND eradicate prisons by addressing these needs and problems in radically different ways.264
There is no reform of making prison conditions better – the Prison-Industrial Complex itself is the product of liberal reforms — any strategy that accepts institutionalized state violence can only perpetuate it. Rodríguez 19 — Dylan Rodríguez, Professor of Ethnic Studies and Chair of the Academic Senate at the University of California-Riverside, holds a Ph.D. in Ethnic Studies from the University of California-Berkeley, 2019 (“Abolition as Praxis of Human Being: A Foreword,” Harvard Law Review, Volume 132, April 10th, Available Online at https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/1575-1612_Online.pdf, Accessed 03-23-2020, p. 1600-1602) As an alternative, the ongoing present tense of normalized and legally sanctioned carceral torture AND system might actually hinder the more substantial transformation American criminal justice needs.”90
Their focus on prison labor, proven by HRW ’19 allowing prison labours to publicize their conditions, as a part of the prison industrial complex is a diversionary tactic that normalizes broader forms of population control utilized by neoliberal governments. This is not a semantic point – this mindset informs of how they view non-prison labor and replicates class based racism. Ertel 15 - JACOB ERTEL Jacob Ertel is a graduate of Oberlin College (Oberlin), where he studied Political Economy. Ertel was an organizer for Students for a Free Palestine (SFP), an affiliate of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), on the Oberlin campus. AUGUST 10, 2015 https://www.counterpunch.org/2015/08/10/do-we-need-to-rethink-the-prison-industrial-complex/ As a rhetorical tool, the notion of the PIC has been central in galvanizing AND movement and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
There’s no single explanation for the rise of mass incarceration besides carceral logic itself Wang 18 — Jackie Wang, Radcliffe Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of African and African American Studies at Harvard University, interviewed by M. Buna, freelance writer, 2018 (“Carceral Capitalism: A Conversation with Jackie Wang,” LA Review of Books, May 13th, Available Online at https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/carceral-capitalism-conversation-jackie-wang/, Accessed 06-28-2020) Do you envision Carceral Capitalism becoming part of the ever-expanding curriculum for teaching AND environment. I hope that Carceral Capitalism will spark conversations and organizing efforts.
The Alternative is to BURN DOWN institutions of governance and reform—fantasies of civil participation fail to resist the violence executed by the state and accommodate its continuation through a belief that the system can be corrected. Abolition as an insurgent politics is a refusal to negotiate and seek recognition from the state in order to lead to change. Abraham’18 (Katherine Kelly Abraham Burn it Down: Abolition, Insurgent Political Praxis, and the Destruction of Decency,” Abolition: A Journal of Insurgent Politics 1, no. 2 April 2018)JP This journal calls for abolition, a call implicitly asserting that contemporary sociopolitical and economic AND very political violence that insures its core function, operation, and maintenance.
1/6/22
ND - K - Baudrillard - Round 3 - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harvard-Westlake KD | Judge: Deven Cooper Capitalism has far surpassed your concept of labor – transferring into the final stage of development, far beyond all exhortations to be different, to be oneself and drink Pepsi®. The affirmative’s optimism of strike’s usefulness is forever misplaced and re-invested into systems of capitalism. Cline ’11 (Alex Cline, International Journal of Baudrillard Studies, July 2011, "Statues Of Commodus – Death and Simulation in the Work of Jean Baudrillard," https://baudrillardstudies.ubishops.ca/statues-of-commodus-death-and-simulation-in-the-work-of-jean-baudrillard/, GS) Jean Baudrillard is widely considered to be one of the first post-Marxist philosophers AND objective conceptions of revolution that ignored subjectivity and desire, agency and hierarchy.
The affirmative is caught in an exaltation of use-value that perpetuates capitalism Baudrillard 76 (Jean, Prof of Phil at EGS, “When Bataille Attacked the Metaphysical Principle of Economy, trans David Miller) The central idea is that the economy which governs our societies results from a misappropriation of the fundamental human principle, which is a solar principle of expenditure. Bataille's thought goes, beyond proper political economy (which in essence is regulated through exchange value), straight to the metaphysical principle of economy. Bataille's target is utility, in its root. Utility is, of course, an apparently positive principle of capital: accumulation, investment, depreciation, etc. But in fact it is, on Bataille's account, a principle of powerlessness, an utter inability to expend. Given that all previous societies knew how to expend, this is, an unbelievable deficiency : it cuts the human being off from all possible sovereignty. All economics are founded on that which no longer can, no longer knows how to expend itself, on that which is incapable of becoming the stake of a sacrifice. It is therefore entirely residual, it is a limited social fact; and it is against economy as a limited social fact that Bataille wants to raise expenditure, death, and sacrifice as total social facts--such is the principle of general economy. The principle of utility (use value) blends with the bourgeoisie, with this capitalist class whose definition for Bataille (contrary to Marx) is negative: it no longer knows how to expend. Similarly, the crisis of capital, its increasing mortality and its immanent death throes, are not bound, as in the work of Marx, to a history, to dialectical reversals, but to this fundamental law of the inability to expend, which give capital over to the cancer of production and unlimited reproduction. There is no principle of revolution in Bataille's work: "The terror of revolutions has only done more and more (de mieux en mieux) to subordinate human energy to industry." There is only a principle of sacrifice-the principle of sovereignty, whose diversion by the bourgeoisie and capital causes all human history to pass from sacred tragedy to the comedy of utility. This critique is a non-Marxist critique, an aristocratic critique; because it aims at utility, at economic finality as the axiom of capitalist society. The Marxist critique is only a critique of capital, a critique coming from the heart of the middle and petit bourgeois classes, for which Marxism has served for a century as a latent ideology: a critique of exchange value, but an exaltation of use value-and thus a critique, at the same time, of what made the almost delirious greatness of capital, the secular remains of its religious quality: investment at any price, even at the cost of use value. The Marxist seeks a good use of economy. Marxism is therefore only a limited petit bourgeois critique, one more step in the banalization of life toward the "good use" of the social! Bataille, to the contrary, sweeps away all this slave dialectic from an aristocratic point of view, that of the master struggling with his death. One can accuse this perspective of being pre or post-Marxist. At any rate, Marxism is only the disenchanted horizon of capital-all that precedes or follows it is more radical than it is. What remains uncertain in the work of Bataille (but without a doubt this uncertainty cannot be alleviated), is to know whether the economy (capital), which is counterbalanced on absurd, but never useless, never sacrificial expenditures (wars, waste . ..), is nevertheless shot through with a sacrificial dynamic. Is political economy at bottom only a frustrated avatar of the single great cosmic law of expenditure? Is the entire history of capital only an immense detour toward its own catastrophe, toward its own sacrificial end? If this is so, it is because, in the end, one cannot not expend. A longer spiral perhaps drags capital beyond economy, toward a destruction of its own values; the alternative is that we are stuck forever" in this denial of the sacred, in the vertigo of supply, which signifies the rupture of alliance (of symbolic exchange in primitive societies) and of sovereignty. Bataille would have been impassioned by the present evolution of capital in this era of floating currencies, of values seeking their own level (which is not their transmutation), and the drift of finalities (which is neither sovereign uselessness nor the absurd gratuitousness of laughter and death). But his concept of expenditure would have permitted only a limited analysis : it is still too economic, too much the flip side of accumulation, as transgression is too close to the inverse figure ofprohibition.4 In an order which is no longer that of utility, but an aleatory order of value, pure expenditure, while retaining the romantic charm of turning the economic inside out, is no longer sufficient for radical defiance -it shatters the mirror of market value, but is powerless against the shifting mirror of structural value. Bataille founds his general economy on a "solar economy" without reciprocal exchange, on the unilateral gift that the sun makes of its energy : a cosmogony of expenditure, which he deploys in a religious and political anthropology . But Bataille has misread Mauss: the unilateral gift does not exist. This is not the law of the universe. He who has so well explored the human sacrifice of the Aztecs should have known as they did that the sun gives nothing, it is necessary to nourish it continually with human blood in order that it shine. It is necessary to challenge the gods through sacrifice in order that they respond with profusion. In other words, the root of sacrifice and of general economy is never pure and simple expenditure-or whatever drive pulsion of excess that supposedly comes to us from nature-but is an incessant process of challenge Wfi. The "excess of energy" does not come from the sun (from nature) but from a continual higher bidding in exchange-the symbolic process that can be found in the work of Mauss, not that of the gift (that is the naturalist mystique into which Bataille falls), but that of the counter-gift . This is the single truly symbolic process, which in fact implies death as a kind of maximal excess-but not as individual ecstasy, always as the maximal principle of social exchange. In this sense, one can reproach Bataille for having "naturalized" Mauss (but in a metaphysical spiral so prodigious that the reproach is not really one), and for having made symbolic exchange a kind of natural function of prodigality, at once hyper-religious in its gratuitousness and much too close still, a contrario, to the principle of utility and to the economic order that it exhausts in transgression without ever leaving behind. It is "in the glory of death" d hauteur de mort that one rediscovers Bataille, and the real question posed remains: "How is it that all men have encountered the need and felt the obligation to kill living beings ritually? For lack of having known how to respond, all men have remained in ignorance of that which they are." There is an answer to this question beneath the text, in all the interstices of Bataille's text, but in my opinion not in the notion of expenditure, nor in this kind of anthropological reconstruction that he tries to establish from the "objective" data of his day: Marxism, biology, sociology, ethnology, political economy, the objective potential of which he tries to bring together nevertheless, in a perspective which is neither exactly a genealogy, nor a natural history, nor a Hegelian totality, but a bit of all that. But the sacred imperative is flawless in its mythic assertion, and the will to teach is continually breached by Bataille's dazzling vision, by a "subject of knowledge" always "at the boiling point." The consequence of this is that even analytic or documentary considerations have that mythic force which constitutes the sole-sacrificial-force of writing.
The subversiveness of a strategy of resistance can only be effective if it begins with the object and deconstructing the metaphysics of value. Baudrillard 1 (professor of phil at EGS, Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings, pg. 75shree) This is why use-value fetishism is indeed more profound, more “mysterious” than the fetishism of exchange value. The mystery of exchange value and the commodity can be unmasked, relatively —it has been since Marx — and raised to consciousness as a social relation. But value in the case of use value is enveloped in total mystery, for it is grounded anthropologically in the (self-) “evidence” of a naturalness, in an unsurpassable original reference. This is where we discover the real “theology” of value — in the order of finalities: in the “ideal” relation of equivalence, harmony, economy and equilibrium that the concept of utility implies. It operates at all levels: between man and nature, man and objects, man and his body, the self and others. Value becomes absolutely self-evident, la chose la plus simple. Here the mystery and cunning (of history and of reason) are at their most profound and tenacious. If the system of use value is produced by the system of ex¬change value as its own ideology — if use value has no autonomy, if it is only the satellite and alibi of exchange value, though system-atically combining with it in the framework of political economy —then it is no longer possible to posit use value as an alternative to exchange value. Nor, therefore, is it possible to posit the “restitution” of use value, at the end of political economy, under the sign of the “liberation of needs” and the “administration of things” as a revolu¬tionary perspective. Every revolutionary perspective today stands or falls on its ability to reinterrogate radically the repressive, reductive, rationalizing meta-physic of utility. All critical theory depends on the analysis of the object form.’0 This has been absent from Marxist analysis. With all the political and ideological consequences that this implies, the result has been that all illusions converged on use value, idealized by oppos¬ition to exchange value, when it was in fact only the latter’s natur¬alized form.
Fear of cyberattacks creates global resilience networks built around Orientalist behavior modification Dyer-Witheford and Matviyenko 19. Nick Dyer-Witheford is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Information and Media Studies at University of Western Ontario and Svitlana Matviyenko is an Assistant Professor of Critical Media Analysis in the School of Communication. “Cyberwar and Revolution: Digital Subterfuge in Global Capitalism.” March 2019. cut by vikas bbyyy This is not the place for a detailed examination of the political economy of " AND use of cyberweaponry, in counterinsurgency operations, domestic surveillance, and digital strikes
When confronted with the ethical injunction of the aff, respond with “I would prefer not to”—vote neg on presumption Baudrillard 98 (Jean Baudrillard, “Present Considerations: The Uncertainty of All Value Systems” xx-xx-1998, GS) It’s also the parody of political emancipation. Is capitalism for you the cold monster AND Marcuse. Decidedly, freedom isn’t simple, and liberation even less so.
1/6/22
ND - K - Baudrillard - Round Octos - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: Octas | Opponent: Troy Independent AP | Judge: Joseph Barquin, Noah Christiansen, Kristiana Baez Of the Cheshire Cat there remains only the Smile.
Of the dream only a memory trace.
Of the real there remains only the virtual.
And of the Other only a spectral form
We begin with a brief history of debate, its disappearance and reappearance as a militaristic game of informatics, logistics, and digitization – everything outside a reassured order must be destroyed through forms of asymmetrical violence paraded around as a fight – this is the key analysis the 1AC misses, by framing themselves as a disruption of the repetition of debate they breathe life back into fundamentally reactionary forces – the same way Louisville created the PRL or Ryan Wash created a massive conservative movement against debate – this card turns AC Meiner Baudrillard 81 (Jean, Professor of Phil of Culture and Media Criticism at the European Graduate School, Simulacra and Simulation, p. 24-25 shree) These staged presidential assassinations are revealing because they signal the status of all negativity in AND the mortal blows of simulation, even and especially if they are revolutionary.
"If the matrix were to make a movie about the matrix, The Matrix is surely the movie it would make"—we think this is true of the 1ac's relationship to debate. The move towards authentic radical theory within the cemetery walls of the Western university merely engenders a semiotic fantasy of radicalism paving over very real conditions of violent colonialism, pain, and death in order to make this space possible. We will be very clear here. Debate is not a home. Debate never will be. Anarchist News 10. “The University, Social Death, and the Inside Joke,” http://news.infoshop.org/article.php?story=20100220181610620 Universities may serve as progressive sites of inquiry in some cases, yet this does AND interpretation and every connotation, no longer denoting anyone or anything."56
The affirmative is caught in an exaltation of use-value that perpetuates capitalism Baudrillard 76 (Jean, Prof of Phil at EGS, “When Bataille Attacked the Metaphysical Principle of Economy, trans David Miller) The central idea is that the economy which governs our societies results from a misappropriation of the fundamental human principle, which is a solar principle of expenditure. Bataille's thought goes, beyond proper political economy (which in essence is regulated through exchange value), straight to the metaphysical principle of economy. Bataille's target is utility, in its root. Utility is, of course, an apparently positive principle of capital: accumulation, investment, depreciation, etc. But in fact it is, on Bataille's account, a principle of powerlessness, an utter inability to expend. Given that all previous societies knew how to expend, this is, an unbelievable deficiency : it cuts the human being off from all possible sovereignty. All economics are founded on that which no longer can, no longer knows how to expend itself, on that which is incapable of becoming the stake of a sacrifice. It is therefore entirely residual, it is a limited social fact; and it is against economy as a limited social fact that Bataille wants to raise expenditure, death, and sacrifice as total social facts--such is the principle of general economy. The principle of utility (use value) blends with the bourgeoisie, with this capitalist class whose definition for Bataille (contrary to Marx) is negative: it no longer knows how to expend. Similarly, the crisis of capital, its increasing mortality and its immanent death throes, are not bound, as in the work of Marx, to a history, to dialectical reversals, but to this fundamental law of the inability to expend, which give capital over to the cancer of production and unlimited reproduction. There is no principle of revolution in Bataille's work: "The terror of revolutions has only done more and more (de mieux en mieux) to subordinate human energy to industry." There is only a principle of sacrifice-the principle of sovereignty, whose diversion by the bourgeoisie and capital causes all human history to pass from sacred tragedy to the comedy of utility. This critique is a non-Marxist critique, an aristocratic critique; because it aims at utility, at economic finality as the axiom of capitalist society. The Marxist critique is only a critique of capital, a critique coming from the heart of the middle and petit bourgeois classes, for which Marxism has served for a century as a latent ideology: a critique of exchange value, but an exaltation of use value-and thus a critique, at the same time, of what made the almost delirious greatness of capital, the secular remains of its religious quality: investment at any price, even at the cost of use value. The Marxist seeks a good use of economy. Marxism is therefore only a limited petit bourgeois critique, one more step in the banalization of life toward the "good use" of the social! Bataille, to the contrary, sweeps away all this slave dialectic from an aristocratic point of view, that of the master struggling with his death. One can accuse this perspective of being pre or post-Marxist. At any rate, Marxism is only the disenchanted horizon of capital-all that precedes or follows it is more radical than it is. What remains uncertain in the work of Bataille (but without a doubt this uncertainty cannot be alleviated), is to know whether the economy (capital), which is counterbalanced on absurd, but never useless, never sacrificial expenditures (wars, waste . ..), is nevertheless shot through with a sacrificial dynamic. Is political economy at bottom only a frustrated avatar of the single great cosmic law of expenditure? Is the entire history of capital only an immense detour toward its own catastrophe, toward its own sacrificial end? If this is so, it is because, in the end, one cannot not expend. A longer spiral perhaps drags capital beyond economy, toward a destruction of its own values; the alternative is that we are stuck forever" in this denial of the sacred, in the vertigo of supply, which signifies the rupture of alliance (of symbolic exchange in primitive societies) and of sovereignty. Bataille would have been impassioned by the present evolution of capital in this era of floating currencies, of values seeking their own level (which is not their transmutation), and the drift of finalities (which is neither sovereign uselessness nor the absurd gratuitousness of laughter and death). But his concept of expenditure would have permitted only a limited analysis : it is still too economic, too much the flip side of accumulation, as transgression is too close to the inverse figure ofprohibition.4 In an order which is no longer that of utility, but an aleatory order of value, pure expenditure, while retaining the romantic charm of turning the economic inside out, is no longer sufficient for radical defiance -it shatters the mirror of market value, but is powerless against the shifting mirror of structural value. Bataille founds his general economy on a "solar economy" without reciprocal exchange, on the unilateral gift that the sun makes of its energy : a cosmogony of expenditure, which he deploys in a religious and political anthropology . But Bataille has misread Mauss: the unilateral gift does not exist. This is not the law of the universe. He who has so well explored the human sacrifice of the Aztecs should have known as they did that the sun gives nothing, it is necessary to nourish it continually with human blood in order that it shine. It is necessary to challenge the gods through sacrifice in order that they respond with profusion. In other words, the root of sacrifice and of general economy is never pure and simple expenditure-or whatever drive pulsion of excess that supposedly comes to us from nature-but is an incessant process of challenge Wfi. The "excess of energy" does not come from the sun (from nature) but from a continual higher bidding in exchange-the symbolic process that can be found in the work of Mauss, not that of the gift (that is the naturalist mystique into which Bataille falls), but that of the counter-gift . This is the single truly symbolic process, which in fact implies death as a kind of maximal excess-but not as individual ecstasy, always as the maximal principle of social exchange. In this sense, one can reproach Bataille for having "naturalized" Mauss (but in a metaphysical spiral so prodigious that the reproach is not really one), and for having made symbolic exchange a kind of natural function of prodigality, at once hyper-religious in its gratuitousness and much too close still, a contrario, to the principle of utility and to the economic order that it exhausts in transgression without ever leaving behind. It is "in the glory of death" d hauteur de mort that one rediscovers Bataille, and the real question posed remains: "How is it that all men have encountered the need and felt the obligation to kill living beings ritually? For lack of having known how to respond, all men have remained in ignorance of that which they are." There is an answer to this question beneath the text, in all the interstices of Bataille's text, but in my opinion not in the notion of expenditure, nor in this kind of anthropological reconstruction that he tries to establish from the "objective" data of his day: Marxism, biology, sociology, ethnology, political economy, the objective potential of which he tries to bring together nevertheless, in a perspective which is neither exactly a genealogy, nor a natural history, nor a Hegelian totality, but a bit of all that. But the sacred imperative is flawless in its mythic assertion, and the will to teach is continually breached by Bataille's dazzling vision, by a "subject of knowledge" always "at the boiling point." The consequence of this is that even analytic or documentary considerations have that mythic force which constitutes the sole-sacrificial-force of writing.
K comes first—The subversiveness of a strategy of resistance can only be effective if it begins with the object and deconstructing the metaphysics of value. Baudrillard 1 (professor of phil at EGS, Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings, pg. 75shree) This is why use-value fetishism is indeed more profound, more “mysterious” than the fetishism of exchange value. The mystery of exchange value and the commodity can be unmasked, relatively —it has been since Marx — and raised to consciousness as a social relation. But value in the case of use value is enveloped in total mystery, for it is grounded anthropologically in the (self-) “evidence” of a naturalness, in an unsurpassable original reference. This is where we discover the real “theology” of value — in the order of finalities: in the “ideal” relation of equivalence, harmony, economy and equilibrium that the concept of utility implies. It operates at all levels: between man and nature, man and objects, man and his body, the self and others. Value becomes absolutely self-evident, la chose la plus simple. Here the mystery and cunning (of history and of reason) are at their most profound and tenacious. If the system of use value is produced by the system of ex¬change value as its own ideology — if use value has no autonomy, if it is only the satellite and alibi of exchange value, though system-atically combining with it in the framework of political economy —then it is no longer possible to posit use value as an alternative to exchange value. Nor, therefore, is it possible to posit the “restitution” of use value, at the end of political economy, under the sign of the “liberation of needs” and the “administration of things” as a revolu¬tionary perspective. Every revolutionary perspective today stands or falls on its ability to reinterrogate radically the repressive, reductive, rationalizing meta-physic of utility. All critical theory depends on the analysis of the object form.’0 This has been absent from Marxist analysis. With all the political and ideological consequences that this implies, the result has been that all illusions converged on use value, idealized by oppos¬ition to exchange value, when it was in fact only the latter’s natur¬alized form.
Charity Cannibalism DA—we become addicted to the feeling of solving ethical crises, causing us to artificially construct more—snowballs to extinction Baudrillard 94 (Jean, ex-Prof of Sociology at Paris X, “The Illusion of the End” p. 66-71shree) We have long denounced the capitalistic, economic exploitation of the poverty of the 'other half of the world' 'autre monde. We must today denounce the moral and sentimental exploitation of that poverty - charity cannibalism being worse than oppressive violence. The extraction and humanitarian reprocessing of a destitution which has become the equivalent of oil deposits and gold mines. The extortion of the spectacle of poverty and, at the same time, of our charitable condescension: a worldwide appreciated surplus of fine sentiments and bad conscience. We should, in fact, see this not as the extraction of raw materials, but as a waste-reprocessing enterprise. Their destitution and our bad conscience are, in effect, all part of the waste-products of history- the main thing is to recycle them to produce a new energy source. We have here an escalation in the psychological balance of terror. World capitalist oppression is now merely the vehicle and alibi for this other, much more ferocious, form of moral predation. One might almost say, contrary to the Marxist analysis, that material exploitation is only there to extract that spiritual raw material that is the misery of peoples, which serves as psychological nourishment for the rich countries and media nourishment for our daily lives. The 'Fourth World' (we are no longer dealing with a 'developing' Third World) is once again beleaguered, this time as a catastrophe-bearing stratum. The West is whitewashed in the reprocessing of the rest of the world as waste and residue. And the white world repents and seeks absolution - it, too, the waste-product of its own history. The South is a natural producer of raw materials, the latest of which is catastrophe. The North, for its part, specializes in the reprocessing of raw materials and hence also in the reprocessing of catastrophe. Bloodsucking protection, humanitarian interference, Medecins sans frontieres, international solidarity, etc. The last phase of colonialism: the New Sentimental Order is merely the latest form of the New World Order. Other people's destitution becomes our adventure playground. Thus, the humanitarian offensive aimed at the Kurds - a show of repentance on the part of the Western powers after allowing Saddam Hussein to crush them - is in reality merely the second phase of the war, a phase in which charitable intervention finishes off the work of extermination. We are the consumers of the ever delightful spectacle of poverty and catastrophe, and of the moving spectacle of our own efforts to alleviate it (which, in fact, merely function to secure the conditions of reproduction of the catastrophe market); there, at least, in the order of moral profits, the Marxist analysis is wholly applicable: we see to it that extreme poverty is reproduced as a symbolic deposit, as a fuel essential to the moral and sentimental equilibrium of the West. In our defence, it might be said that this extreme poverty was largely of our own making and it is therefore normal that we should profit by it. There can be no finer proof that the distress of the rest of the world is at the root of Western power and that the spectacle of that distress is its crowning glory than the inauguration, on the roof of the Arche de la Defense, with a sumptuous buffet laid on by the Fondation des Droits de l'homme, of an exhibition of the finest photos of world poverty. Should we be surprised that spaces are set aside in the Arche d' Alliance. for universal suffering hallowed by caviar and champagne? Just as the economic crisis of the West will not be complete so long as it can still exploit the resources of the rest of the world, so the symbolic crisis will be complete only when it is no longer able to feed on the other half's human and natural catastrophes (Eastern Europe, the Gulf, the Kurds, Bangladesh, etc.). We need this drug, which serves us as an aphrodisiac and hallucinogen. And the poor countries are the best suppliers - as, indeed, they are of other drugs. We provide them, through our media, with the means to exploit this paradoxical resource, just as we give them the means to exhaust their natural resources with our technologies. Our whole culture lives off this catastrophic cannibalism, relayed in cynical mode by the news media, and carried forward in moral mode by our humanitarian aid, which is a way of encouraging it and ensuring its continuity, just as economic aid is a strategy for perpetuating under-development. Up to now, the financial sacrifice has been compensated a hundredfold by the moral gain. But when the catastrophe market itself reaches crisis point, in accordance with the implacable logic of the market, when distress becomes scarce or the marginal returns on it fall from overexploitation, when we run out of disasters from elsewhere or when they can no longer be traded like coffee or other commodities, the West will be forced to produce its own catastrophe for itself, in order to meet its need for spectacle and that voracious appetite for symbols which characterizes it even more than its voracious appetite for food. It will reach the point where it devours itself. When we have finished sucking out the destiny of others, we shall have to invent one for ourselves. The Great Crash, the symbolic crash, will come in the end from us Westerners, but only when we are no longer able to feed on the hallucinogenic misery which comes to us from the other half of the world. Yet they do not seem keen to give up their monopoly. The Middle East, Bangladesh, black Africa and Latin America are really going flat out in the distress and catastrophe stakes, and thus in providing symbolic nourishment for the rich world. They might be said to be overdoing it: heaping earthquakes, floods, famines and ecological disasters one upon another, and finding the means to massacre each other most of the time. The 'disaster show' goes on without any let-up and our sacrificial debt to them far exceeds their economic debt. The misery with which they generously overwhelm us is something we shall never be able to repay. The sacrifices we offer in return are laughable (a tornado or two, a few tiny holocausts on the roads, the odd financial sacrifice) and, moreover, by some infernal logic, these work out as much greater gains for us, whereas our kindnesses have merely added to the natural catastrophes another one immeasurably worse: the demographic catastrophe, a veritable epidemic which we deplore each day in pictures. In short, there is such distortion between North and South, to the symbolic advantage of the South (a hundred thousand Iraqi dead against casualties numbered in tens on our side: in every case we are the losers), that one day everything will break down. One day, the West will break down if we are not soon washed clean of this shame, if an international congress of the poor countries does not very quickly decide to share out this symbolic privilege of misery and catastrophe. It is of course normal, since we refuse to allow the spread of nuclear weapons, that they should refuse to allow the spread of the catastrophe weapon. But it is not right that they should exert that monopoly indefinitely. In any case, the under-developed are only so by comparison with the Western system and its presumed success. In the light of its assumed failure, they are not under-developed at all. They are only so in terms of a dominant evolutionism which has always been the worst of colonial ideologies. The argument here is that there is a line of objective progress and everyone is supposed to pass through its various stages (we find the same eyewash with regard to the evolution of species and in that evolutionism which unilaterally sanctions the superiority of the human race). In the light of current upheavals, which put an end to any idea of history as a linear process, there are no longer either developed or under-developed peoples. Thus, to encourage hope of evolution - albeit by revolution - among the poor and to doom them, in keeping with the objective illusion of progress, to technological salvation is a criminal absurdity. In actual fact, it is their good fortune to be able to escape from evolution just at the point when we no longer know where it is leading. In any case, a majority of these peoples, including those of Eastern Europe, do not seem keen to enter this evolutionist modernity, and their weight in the balance is certainly no small factor in the West's repudiation of its own history, of its own utopias and its own modernity. It might be said that the routes of violence, historical or otherwise, are being turned around and that the viruses now pass from South to North, there being every chance that, five hundred years after America was conquered, 1992 and the end of the century will mark the comeback of the defeated and the sudden reversal of that modernity. The sense of pride is no longer on the side of wealth but of poverty, of those who - fortunately for them - have nothing to repent, and may indeed glory in being privileged in terms of catastrophes. Admittedly, this is a privilege they could hardly renounce, even if they wished to, but natural disasters merely reinforce the sense of guilt felt towards them by the wealthy – by those whom God visibly scorns since he no longer even strikes them down. One day it will be the Whites themselves who will give up their whiteness. It is a good bet that repentance will reach its highest pitch with the five-hundredth anniversary of the conquest of the Americas. We are going to have to lift the curse of the defeated - but symbolically victorious - peoples, which is insinuating itself five hundred years later, by way of repentance, into the heart of the white race. No solution has been found to the dramatic situation of the under-developed, and none will be found since their drama has now been overtaken by that of the overdeveloped, of the rich nations. The psychodrama of congestion, saturation, super abundance, neurosis and the breaking of blood vessels which haunts us - the drama of the excess of means over ends – calls more urgently for attention than that of penury, lack and poverty. That is where the most imminent danger of catastrophe resides, in the societies which have run out of emptiness. Artificial catastrophes, like the beneficial aspects of civilization, progress much more quickly than natural ones. The underdeveloped are still at the primary stage of the natural, unforeseeable catastrophe. We are already at the second stage, that of the manufactured catastrophe - imminent and foreseeable - and we shall soon be at that of the pre-programmed catastrophe, the catastrophe of the third kind, deliberate and experimental. And, paradoxically, it is our pursuit of the means for averting natural catastrophe - the unpredictable form of destiny - which will take us there. Because it is unable to escape it, humanity will pretend to be the author of its destiny. Because it cannot accept being confronted with an end which is uncertain or governed by fate, it will prefer to stage its own death as a species.
The aff is another instantiation of the white hyper real – it becomes another analytical encounter with whiteness and the world which just opens up more forms of liberal recognition politics Gillespie 17 (John Gillespie, “On the Prospect of Weaponized Death”, Propter Nos, 2:1, 2017) It is this fact that permits black death to be subsumed in simulations by each AND the semiotics of the white hyper-reality. White Disneyland stays intact.
When confronted with the ethical injunction of the aff, respond with “I would prefer not to”—vote neg on presumption Baudrillard 98 (Jean Baudrillard, “Present Considerations: The Uncertainty of All Value Systems” xx-xx-1998, GS) It’s also the parody of political emancipation. Is capitalism for you the cold monster AND Marcuse. Decidedly, freedom isn’t simple, and liberation even less so.