1AC - Prison Strikes 1NC - Abolition K Case NR - Abolition K Case
USC
6
Opponent: Marlborough EW | Judge: Ben Cortez
1AC - Prison Strikes 1NC - Abolition Case 2NR - Abolition Case
USC
3
Opponent: Harvard-Westlake KD | Judge: Deven Cooper
1AC - Inequality 1NC - Baudrillard Case 2NR - Baudrillard Case
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Cites
Entry
Date
Case - AT Abolition - Round Octos - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: Octas | Opponent: Troy Independent AP | Judge: Joseph Barquin, Noah Christiansen, Kristiana Baez The affirmative misreads Heitzeg and puts the cart before the horse – color-blind racism gets codified through the prison industrial complex ie the affirmative cannot solve for racism unless they can answer the question “why are people racist” – anything else makes structures inevitable, Stockdale reads green AC Heitzeg, 2008 – St. Catherine University Professor of Sociology and Critical Studies of Race and Ethnicity Rose M. Brewer, is a sociologist and the Morse Alumni Distinguished Teaching Professor AND pedagogies for change that the current situation will be transformed for social justice.
We’ll concede Robinson ’16 – but that frames your ballot because if we either win that the affirmative sustains structures of capital you vote negative because they will only continue to produce their own impacts
Collapse is good—
Prevents extinction from environmental destruction Speth ‘8 (James Gustave, Served as President Jimmy Carter’s White House environmental adviser and as head of the United Nations’ largest agency for international development Prof at Vermont law school. Former dean of the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies at Yale University . Former Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, teaching environmental and constitutional law. .Former Chairman of the Council on Environmental Quality in the Executive Office of the President. Co-founder of the Natural Resources Defense Council. Was law clerk to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo L. Black JD, Yale. The Bridge at the Edge of the World: Capitalism, the Environment, and Crossing from Crisis to Sustainability, Gigapedia, 6-9) But the much larger and more threatening impacts stem from the economic activity of those AND modern capitalism, in each case seeking to identify the transformative changes needed.
Prevents runaway warming which causes extinction. Li 10, (Dr. Minqi, Assistant Professor Department of Economics, University of Utah, “The 21st Century Crisis: Climate Catastrophe or Socialism” Paper prepared for the David Gordon Memorial Lecture at URPE Summer Conference 2010 JH) The global average surface temperature is now about 0.8C (0.8 AND of the means of production and society-wide planning (Section 6).
AND “a” means singular – this isn’t a topicality argument, but a solvency claim that they cannot fix global structures of capitalism with only a singular government recognizing the right to strike Dictionary.com No Date (“Definition of A,” No Publication, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/a) Definition of a (Entry 2 of 13) 1—used as a function word before singular nouns when the referent is unspecified
First ev they read about inequality is a buzzfeed article about squidgame – the card does not say that the public is ready to fight capitalism, rather that the public is ready to watch international shows: this can be turned as part of a broader argument about the way they get information: they need Netflix to tell them that capitalism is bad. The impact is the depersonalization of violence: they view themselves as above the violence of inequality, not realizing that going to a high school that costs more than the average American house hold makes in a year is part of the way people settle their moral equilibriam: reading this affirmative settles Harvard-West lake’s moral equilibriam which allows them to continue the system of violent extraction that they support
AT Lingis
a) Ev just says a gap can lead to a marginalization of democracy but doesn’t describe a terminal
b) No impact to climate change was substantiated so a 1ar would be new – just says the rich may struggle to reverse but doesn’t prove anything
AT Greenhouse
a) this is just in the context of trade workers/unions, not all workers writ large – also no real terminal impact
AT Pope
a) is about social disunity not necessarily people earning less than one another but being disunited that would still exist in the aff because ppl like jeff bezos will still be much wealtheir than the avg person
b) Cribb cites alt causes such as political economic and religious divides which they cant resolve
AT Richter
a) doesn’t substantiate that economic decline really implicates war
b) the K turns this – structural violence perpetuates economic inequality
some more turns here
Unions don’t solve inequality – they’re too weak and tons of alt causes Epstein 20 Richard A. Epstein Peter and Kirsten Bedford Senior Fellow @ the Hoover Institution. "The Decline Of Unions Is Good News." https://www.hoover.org/research/decline-unions-good-news So what then could justify this inefficient provision? One common argument is that unions AND within a given firm have been compromised by higher wages to union workers.
Shutdowns
The incessant productivity of hegemony is a drive toward its own destruction. American hegemonic power has surpassed the domain of being referentially related to any material reality and can now only identify with the image of its own destruction. Pope 7. Professor of Language at York University, Pope, “Baudrillard’s Simulacrum: Of War, Terror, and Obituaries,” October 2007, International Journal of Baudrillard Studies: Volume 4, Number 3 Many of the obituaries printed some variance of the following quote: “It is AND this logic, while engaging in the realm of challenge and the collusive relation
Solvency
The affirmative cannot solve for their own impacts: they say that government shutdowns are bad, so workers should be able to strike, which prevents them. The issue is that workers striking shuts down the government because people stop working ie if workers ever exercise their right to strike it causes all of their impacts.
1) They do not have a piece of evidence saying that the RTS is key to solve income inequality. Even if their ev is right that income inequality writ large is bad they dont resovle a large enough portion. Read their uniqueness evidence it cites education and healthcare.
2) Their argument about income inequality is about the global differences between states wealth and average incomes. Even if there is an increase in income in some sectors, that doesnt mean the disparities b/w the countries get resolved.
3) Their link evidence says they increase incomes by 2-5 which is woefully inefficient to solve, their are massive differences between these countries i.e their uniqueness evidence cites other countries having a 16x difference, that minor increase is insufficient to solve
Ill LBL solvency ev –
burns
- Not about the right to strike in all cases
- Makes a perception argument and says that unions can do their work “through the threat of union- ization “
Richman card doesnt actually make a spillover claim in the evidence or the part they've highlighted
Nolan ev - not reading a CP so irrelevant
Framing
The standard is to prefer form arguments first – if we win a claim that the affirmative shouldn’t have been brought into debate at all that comes before any of their impact scenarios because it directs the logic behind them
AND there’s a Strategic Cover Disad to their model– the use of fiat to overcome links means people are able to outweigh thinks like being racist with their extinction impacts – that means even if they are right that things spill out of debate and they can make a difference you still vote negative because they create neo-conservatives like Kyle Rove, Ted Cruz or Neal Katyeal – even if you don’t believe that they will make bad people, at the very least they won’t have the opportunity to test them which is a terminal solvency deficit to their model
None of their death is bad standards are an answer to our arguments about the nature of their extinction impacts
Governments consistently don’t use utilitarianism or realism – only our theory of power explains why the US was in Vietnam despite knowing it was a losing war and the public being against it
Prison strikes rarely achieves significant reforms, no matter how big or long the strike is – be doubtful how the aff is any different Christie Thompson is a staff writer. Her work has been published by outlets including The New York Times, The Washington Post, NPR, ProPublica, and The Atlantic, 9/1/2016 – “Do Prison Strikes Work?”, https://www.themarshallproject.org/2016/09/21/do-prison-strikes-work//bread On Sept. 9, prisoners across the country stopped showing up for their work AND It’s too soon to tell what the impact of their protests might be.
2. Even Norway’s prisons are immoral and counterproductive — and if that’s possible in the U.S., so is abolition. McLeod 19 — Allegra M. McLeod, Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, former Arthur Liman Public Interest Fellow and Staff Attorney at the Immigration Justice Project holds a Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature from Stanford University and a J.D. from Yale University 2019 (“Envisioning Abolition Democracy,” Harvard Law Review, Volume 132, April 10th, Available Online at https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/1613-1649_Online.pdf, Accessed 06-10-2020, p. 1642) While some of what is most abhorrent in prison-based punishment is associated with AND be best allocated to beautifying prisons rather than radically reducing reliance upon them.
3. By taking the prison itself for granted, the aff’s reformist discourse precludes emancipatory alternatives to the carceral system. Davis 3 — Angela Y. Davis, Professor of the History of Consciousness at the University of California-Santa Cruz, Founder of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, holds a Ph.D. in Philosophy from Humboldt University (Germany), 2003 (“Introduction: Prison Reform or Prison Abolition?,” Are Prisons Obsolete?, Published by Open Media, ISBN 1583225811, p. 20-21) Over the last few years the previous absence of critical positions on prison expansion in AND of justice, where the prison no longer serves as our major anchor.
Solvency
4. Vote Neg on presumption: allowing prisoners to strike doesn’t mean that there will be radical reforms in wages and
5. No solvency: Alt causes: the prison industrial complex includes broken, racist court systems; corrupt policing; prison wages and conditions are minuscule solving for racial injustice and structural violence, at best they get solving like 5 of structural violence, and even then, prio structural violence
6. Anything short of abolition can’t “solve” mass incarceration. Dubler and Lloyd 20 — Joshua Dubler, Assistant Professor of Religion at the University of Rochester, holds a Ph.D. in Religion from Princeton University, and Vincent W. Lloyd, Associate Professor of Theology and Religious Studies and Director of the Africana Studies Program at Villanova University, holds a Ph.D. in Rhetoric from the University of California-Berkeley, 2020 (“Why Not Prison Abolition?,” Break Every Yoke: Religion, Justice, and the Abolition of Prisons, Published by Oxford University Press, ISBN 9780190949174, p. ebook) What would it take to truly “end mass incarceration”? As a thought AND path we have ventured, no reform agenda is capable of that.29
FW
7. Framework — the role of this debate should be about the development of movements to challenge institutional racism—whether or not the aff’s reform is good or bad is secondary to how reforms comes in to be Alexander 10, Associate Professor of Law 2010, Michelle Alexander, is an associate professor of law at Ohio State University, a civil rights advocate and a writer. “New Jim Crow : Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness” ProQuest ebrary, pp. 221-224 The list could go on, of course, but the point has been made AND We run the risk of winning isolated battles but losing the larger war.
1/6/22
ND - Case - AT Prison Strikes - Round 6 - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: 6 | Opponent: Marlborough EW | Judge: Ben Cortez Prison strikes rarely achieves significant reforms, no matter how big or long the strike is – be doubtful how the aff is any different Christie Thompson is a staff writer. Her work has been published by outlets including The New York Times, The Washington Post, NPR, ProPublica, and The Atlantic, 9/1/2016 – “Do Prison Strikes Work?”, https://www.themarshallproject.org/2016/09/21/do-prison-strikes-work//bread On Sept. 9, prisoners across the country stopped showing up for their work AND It’s too soon to tell what the impact of their protests might be. 2. Even Norway’s prisons are immoral and counterproductive — and if that’s possible in the U.S., so is abolition. McLeod 19 — Allegra M. McLeod, Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, former Arthur Liman Public Interest Fellow and Staff Attorney at the Immigration Justice Project holds a Ph.D. in Modern Thought and Literature from Stanford University and a J.D. from Yale University 2019 (“Envisioning Abolition Democracy,” Harvard Law Review, Volume 132, April 10th, Available Online at https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/1613-1649_Online.pdf, Accessed 06-10-2020, p. 1642) While some of what is most abhorrent in prison-based punishment is associated with AND be best allocated to beautifying prisons rather than radically reducing reliance upon them.
3. By taking the prison itself for granted, the aff’s reformist discourse precludes emancipatory alternatives to the carceral system. Davis 3 — Angela Y. Davis, Professor of the History of Consciousness at the University of California-Santa Cruz, Founder of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, holds a Ph.D. in Philosophy from Humboldt University (Germany), 2003 (“Introduction: Prison Reform or Prison Abolition?,” Are Prisons Obsolete?, Published by Open Media, ISBN 1583225811, p. 20-21) Over the last few years the previous absence of critical positions on prison expansion in AND of justice, where the prison no longer serves as our major anchor.
Solvency
4. Vote Neg on presumption: allowing prisoners to strike doesn’t mean that there will be radical reforms in wages and
5. No solvency: Alt causes: the prison industrial complex includes broken, racist court systems; corrupt policing; prison wages and conditions are minuscule solving for racial injustice and structural violence, at best they get solving like 5 of structural violence, and even then, prio structural violence
6. Anything short of abolition can’t “solve” mass incarceration. Dubler and Lloyd 20 — Joshua Dubler, Assistant Professor of Religion at the University of Rochester, holds a Ph.D. in Religion from Princeton University, and Vincent W. Lloyd, Associate Professor of Theology and Religious Studies and Director of the Africana Studies Program at Villanova University, holds a Ph.D. in Rhetoric from the University of California-Berkeley, 2020 (“Why Not Prison Abolition?,” Break Every Yoke: Religion, Justice, and the Abolition of Prisons, Published by Oxford University Press, ISBN 9780190949174, p. ebook) What would it take to truly “end mass incarceration”? As a thought AND path we have ventured, no reform agenda is capable of that.29
FW
7. Framework — the role of this debate should be about the development of movements to challenge institutional racism—whether or not the aff’s reform is good or bad is secondary to how reforms comes in to be Alexander 10, Associate Professor of Law 2010, Michelle Alexander, is an associate professor of law at Ohio State University, a civil rights advocate and a writer. “New Jim Crow : Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness” ProQuest ebrary, pp. 221-224 The list could go on, of course, but the point has been made AND We run the risk of winning isolated battles but losing the larger war.
1/6/22
ND - K - Abolition - Round 2 - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: 2 | Opponent: Marlborough ED | Judge: Kristiana Baez The prison system is irredeemable and intrinsically anti-black -- only abolition can challenge racialized criminalization Roberts 19 (Dorothy E. Roberts -- George A. Weiss University Professor of Law and Sociology + University of Pennsylvania; Raymond Pace and Sadie Tanner Mossell Alexander Professor of Civil Rights + University of Pennsylvania Law School; Professor of Africana Studies and Professor of Sociology + University of Pennsylvania School of Arts and Sciences, “The Supreme Court 2018 Term”, “Foreword: Abolition Constitutionalism”, Number I, Volum 133, November 2019, pgs. 12-40) The United States stands out from all nations on Earth for its reliance on caging AND eradicate prisons by addressing these needs and problems in radically different ways.264
There is no reform of making prison conditions better – the Prison-Industrial Complex itself is the product of liberal reforms — any strategy that accepts institutionalized state violence can only perpetuate it. Rodríguez 19 — Dylan Rodríguez, Professor of Ethnic Studies and Chair of the Academic Senate at the University of California-Riverside, holds a Ph.D. in Ethnic Studies from the University of California-Berkeley, 2019 (“Abolition as Praxis of Human Being: A Foreword,” Harvard Law Review, Volume 132, April 10th, Available Online at https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/1575-1612_Online.pdf, Accessed 03-23-2020, p. 1600-1602) As an alternative, the ongoing present tense of normalized and legally sanctioned carceral torture AND system might actually hinder the more substantial transformation American criminal justice needs.”90
Their focus on prison labor, proven by HRW ’19 allowing prison labours to publicize their conditions, as a part of the prison industrial complex is a diversionary tactic that normalizes broader forms of population control utilized by neoliberal governments. This is not a semantic point – this mindset informs of how they view non-prison labor and replicates class based racism. Ertel 15 - JACOB ERTEL Jacob Ertel is a graduate of Oberlin College (Oberlin), where he studied Political Economy. Ertel was an organizer for Students for a Free Palestine (SFP), an affiliate of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), on the Oberlin campus. AUGUST 10, 2015 https://www.counterpunch.org/2015/08/10/do-we-need-to-rethink-the-prison-industrial-complex/ As a rhetorical tool, the notion of the PIC has been central in galvanizing AND movement and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
There’s no single explanation for the rise of mass incarceration besides carceral logic itself Wang 18 — Jackie Wang, Radcliffe Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of African and African American Studies at Harvard University, interviewed by M. Buna, freelance writer, 2018 (“Carceral Capitalism: A Conversation with Jackie Wang,” LA Review of Books, May 13th, Available Online at https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/carceral-capitalism-conversation-jackie-wang/, Accessed 06-28-2020) Do you envision Carceral Capitalism becoming part of the ever-expanding curriculum for teaching AND environment. I hope that Carceral Capitalism will spark conversations and organizing efforts.
The Alternative is to BURN DOWN institutions of governance and reform—fantasies of civil participation fail to resist the violence executed by the state and accommodate its continuation through a belief that the system can be corrected. Abolition as an insurgent politics is a refusal to negotiate and seek recognition from the state in order to lead to change. Abraham’18 (Katherine Kelly Abraham Burn it Down: Abolition, Insurgent Political Praxis, and the Destruction of Decency,” Abolition: A Journal of Insurgent Politics 1, no. 2 April 2018)JP This journal calls for abolition, a call implicitly asserting that contemporary sociopolitical and economic AND very political violence that insures its core function, operation, and maintenance.
1/6/22
ND - K - Abolition - Round 6 - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: 6 | Opponent: Marlborough EW | Judge: Ben Cortez The prison system is irredeemable and intrinsically anti-black -- only abolition can challenge racialized criminalization Roberts 19 (Dorothy E. Roberts -- George A. Weiss University Professor of Law and Sociology + University of Pennsylvania; Raymond Pace and Sadie Tanner Mossell Alexander Professor of Civil Rights + University of Pennsylvania Law School; Professor of Africana Studies and Professor of Sociology + University of Pennsylvania School of Arts and Sciences, “The Supreme Court 2018 Term”, “Foreword: Abolition Constitutionalism”, Number I, Volum 133, November 2019, pgs. 12-40) The United States stands out from all nations on Earth for its reliance on caging AND eradicate prisons by addressing these needs and problems in radically different ways.264
There is no reform of making prison conditions better – the Prison-Industrial Complex itself is the product of liberal reforms — any strategy that accepts institutionalized state violence can only perpetuate it. Rodríguez 19 — Dylan Rodríguez, Professor of Ethnic Studies and Chair of the Academic Senate at the University of California-Riverside, holds a Ph.D. in Ethnic Studies from the University of California-Berkeley, 2019 (“Abolition as Praxis of Human Being: A Foreword,” Harvard Law Review, Volume 132, April 10th, Available Online at https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/1575-1612_Online.pdf, Accessed 03-23-2020, p. 1600-1602) As an alternative, the ongoing present tense of normalized and legally sanctioned carceral torture AND system might actually hinder the more substantial transformation American criminal justice needs.”90
Their focus on prison labor, proven by HRW ’19 allowing prison labours to publicize their conditions, as a part of the prison industrial complex is a diversionary tactic that normalizes broader forms of population control utilized by neoliberal governments. This is not a semantic point – this mindset informs of how they view non-prison labor and replicates class based racism. Ertel 15 - JACOB ERTEL Jacob Ertel is a graduate of Oberlin College (Oberlin), where he studied Political Economy. Ertel was an organizer for Students for a Free Palestine (SFP), an affiliate of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), on the Oberlin campus. AUGUST 10, 2015 https://www.counterpunch.org/2015/08/10/do-we-need-to-rethink-the-prison-industrial-complex/ As a rhetorical tool, the notion of the PIC has been central in galvanizing AND movement and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
There’s no single explanation for the rise of mass incarceration besides carceral logic itself Wang 18 — Jackie Wang, Radcliffe Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of African and African American Studies at Harvard University, interviewed by M. Buna, freelance writer, 2018 (“Carceral Capitalism: A Conversation with Jackie Wang,” LA Review of Books, May 13th, Available Online at https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/carceral-capitalism-conversation-jackie-wang/, Accessed 06-28-2020) Do you envision Carceral Capitalism becoming part of the ever-expanding curriculum for teaching AND environment. I hope that Carceral Capitalism will spark conversations and organizing efforts.
The Alternative is to BURN DOWN institutions of governance and reform—fantasies of civil participation fail to resist the violence executed by the state and accommodate its continuation through a belief that the system can be corrected. Abolition as an insurgent politics is a refusal to negotiate and seek recognition from the state in order to lead to change. Abraham’18 (Katherine Kelly Abraham Burn it Down: Abolition, Insurgent Political Praxis, and the Destruction of Decency,” Abolition: A Journal of Insurgent Politics 1, no. 2 April 2018)JP This journal calls for abolition, a call implicitly asserting that contemporary sociopolitical and economic AND very political violence that insures its core function, operation, and maintenance.
1/6/22
ND - K - Baudrillard - Round 3 - USC
Tournament: USC | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harvard-Westlake KD | Judge: Deven Cooper Capitalism has far surpassed your concept of labor – transferring into the final stage of development, far beyond all exhortations to be different, to be oneself and drink Pepsi®. The affirmative’s optimism of strike’s usefulness is forever misplaced and re-invested into systems of capitalism. Cline ’11 (Alex Cline, International Journal of Baudrillard Studies, July 2011, "Statues Of Commodus – Death and Simulation in the Work of Jean Baudrillard," https://baudrillardstudies.ubishops.ca/statues-of-commodus-death-and-simulation-in-the-work-of-jean-baudrillard/, GS) Jean Baudrillard is widely considered to be one of the first post-Marxist philosophers AND objective conceptions of revolution that ignored subjectivity and desire, agency and hierarchy.
The affirmative is caught in an exaltation of use-value that perpetuates capitalism Baudrillard 76 (Jean, Prof of Phil at EGS, “When Bataille Attacked the Metaphysical Principle of Economy, trans David Miller) The central idea is that the economy which governs our societies results from a misappropriation of the fundamental human principle, which is a solar principle of expenditure. Bataille's thought goes, beyond proper political economy (which in essence is regulated through exchange value), straight to the metaphysical principle of economy. Bataille's target is utility, in its root. Utility is, of course, an apparently positive principle of capital: accumulation, investment, depreciation, etc. But in fact it is, on Bataille's account, a principle of powerlessness, an utter inability to expend. Given that all previous societies knew how to expend, this is, an unbelievable deficiency : it cuts the human being off from all possible sovereignty. All economics are founded on that which no longer can, no longer knows how to expend itself, on that which is incapable of becoming the stake of a sacrifice. It is therefore entirely residual, it is a limited social fact; and it is against economy as a limited social fact that Bataille wants to raise expenditure, death, and sacrifice as total social facts--such is the principle of general economy. The principle of utility (use value) blends with the bourgeoisie, with this capitalist class whose definition for Bataille (contrary to Marx) is negative: it no longer knows how to expend. Similarly, the crisis of capital, its increasing mortality and its immanent death throes, are not bound, as in the work of Marx, to a history, to dialectical reversals, but to this fundamental law of the inability to expend, which give capital over to the cancer of production and unlimited reproduction. There is no principle of revolution in Bataille's work: "The terror of revolutions has only done more and more (de mieux en mieux) to subordinate human energy to industry." There is only a principle of sacrifice-the principle of sovereignty, whose diversion by the bourgeoisie and capital causes all human history to pass from sacred tragedy to the comedy of utility. This critique is a non-Marxist critique, an aristocratic critique; because it aims at utility, at economic finality as the axiom of capitalist society. The Marxist critique is only a critique of capital, a critique coming from the heart of the middle and petit bourgeois classes, for which Marxism has served for a century as a latent ideology: a critique of exchange value, but an exaltation of use value-and thus a critique, at the same time, of what made the almost delirious greatness of capital, the secular remains of its religious quality: investment at any price, even at the cost of use value. The Marxist seeks a good use of economy. Marxism is therefore only a limited petit bourgeois critique, one more step in the banalization of life toward the "good use" of the social! Bataille, to the contrary, sweeps away all this slave dialectic from an aristocratic point of view, that of the master struggling with his death. One can accuse this perspective of being pre or post-Marxist. At any rate, Marxism is only the disenchanted horizon of capital-all that precedes or follows it is more radical than it is. What remains uncertain in the work of Bataille (but without a doubt this uncertainty cannot be alleviated), is to know whether the economy (capital), which is counterbalanced on absurd, but never useless, never sacrificial expenditures (wars, waste . ..), is nevertheless shot through with a sacrificial dynamic. Is political economy at bottom only a frustrated avatar of the single great cosmic law of expenditure? Is the entire history of capital only an immense detour toward its own catastrophe, toward its own sacrificial end? If this is so, it is because, in the end, one cannot not expend. A longer spiral perhaps drags capital beyond economy, toward a destruction of its own values; the alternative is that we are stuck forever" in this denial of the sacred, in the vertigo of supply, which signifies the rupture of alliance (of symbolic exchange in primitive societies) and of sovereignty. Bataille would have been impassioned by the present evolution of capital in this era of floating currencies, of values seeking their own level (which is not their transmutation), and the drift of finalities (which is neither sovereign uselessness nor the absurd gratuitousness of laughter and death). But his concept of expenditure would have permitted only a limited analysis : it is still too economic, too much the flip side of accumulation, as transgression is too close to the inverse figure ofprohibition.4 In an order which is no longer that of utility, but an aleatory order of value, pure expenditure, while retaining the romantic charm of turning the economic inside out, is no longer sufficient for radical defiance -it shatters the mirror of market value, but is powerless against the shifting mirror of structural value. Bataille founds his general economy on a "solar economy" without reciprocal exchange, on the unilateral gift that the sun makes of its energy : a cosmogony of expenditure, which he deploys in a religious and political anthropology . But Bataille has misread Mauss: the unilateral gift does not exist. This is not the law of the universe. He who has so well explored the human sacrifice of the Aztecs should have known as they did that the sun gives nothing, it is necessary to nourish it continually with human blood in order that it shine. It is necessary to challenge the gods through sacrifice in order that they respond with profusion. In other words, the root of sacrifice and of general economy is never pure and simple expenditure-or whatever drive pulsion of excess that supposedly comes to us from nature-but is an incessant process of challenge Wfi. The "excess of energy" does not come from the sun (from nature) but from a continual higher bidding in exchange-the symbolic process that can be found in the work of Mauss, not that of the gift (that is the naturalist mystique into which Bataille falls), but that of the counter-gift . This is the single truly symbolic process, which in fact implies death as a kind of maximal excess-but not as individual ecstasy, always as the maximal principle of social exchange. In this sense, one can reproach Bataille for having "naturalized" Mauss (but in a metaphysical spiral so prodigious that the reproach is not really one), and for having made symbolic exchange a kind of natural function of prodigality, at once hyper-religious in its gratuitousness and much too close still, a contrario, to the principle of utility and to the economic order that it exhausts in transgression without ever leaving behind. It is "in the glory of death" d hauteur de mort that one rediscovers Bataille, and the real question posed remains: "How is it that all men have encountered the need and felt the obligation to kill living beings ritually? For lack of having known how to respond, all men have remained in ignorance of that which they are." There is an answer to this question beneath the text, in all the interstices of Bataille's text, but in my opinion not in the notion of expenditure, nor in this kind of anthropological reconstruction that he tries to establish from the "objective" data of his day: Marxism, biology, sociology, ethnology, political economy, the objective potential of which he tries to bring together nevertheless, in a perspective which is neither exactly a genealogy, nor a natural history, nor a Hegelian totality, but a bit of all that. But the sacred imperative is flawless in its mythic assertion, and the will to teach is continually breached by Bataille's dazzling vision, by a "subject of knowledge" always "at the boiling point." The consequence of this is that even analytic or documentary considerations have that mythic force which constitutes the sole-sacrificial-force of writing.
The subversiveness of a strategy of resistance can only be effective if it begins with the object and deconstructing the metaphysics of value. Baudrillard 1 (professor of phil at EGS, Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings, pg. 75shree) This is why use-value fetishism is indeed more profound, more “mysterious” than the fetishism of exchange value. The mystery of exchange value and the commodity can be unmasked, relatively —it has been since Marx — and raised to consciousness as a social relation. But value in the case of use value is enveloped in total mystery, for it is grounded anthropologically in the (self-) “evidence” of a naturalness, in an unsurpassable original reference. This is where we discover the real “theology” of value — in the order of finalities: in the “ideal” relation of equivalence, harmony, economy and equilibrium that the concept of utility implies. It operates at all levels: between man and nature, man and objects, man and his body, the self and others. Value becomes absolutely self-evident, la chose la plus simple. Here the mystery and cunning (of history and of reason) are at their most profound and tenacious. If the system of use value is produced by the system of ex¬change value as its own ideology — if use value has no autonomy, if it is only the satellite and alibi of exchange value, though system-atically combining with it in the framework of political economy —then it is no longer possible to posit use value as an alternative to exchange value. Nor, therefore, is it possible to posit the “restitution” of use value, at the end of political economy, under the sign of the “liberation of needs” and the “administration of things” as a revolu¬tionary perspective. Every revolutionary perspective today stands or falls on its ability to reinterrogate radically the repressive, reductive, rationalizing meta-physic of utility. All critical theory depends on the analysis of the object form.’0 This has been absent from Marxist analysis. With all the political and ideological consequences that this implies, the result has been that all illusions converged on use value, idealized by oppos¬ition to exchange value, when it was in fact only the latter’s natur¬alized form.
Fear of cyberattacks creates global resilience networks built around Orientalist behavior modification Dyer-Witheford and Matviyenko 19. Nick Dyer-Witheford is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Information and Media Studies at University of Western Ontario and Svitlana Matviyenko is an Assistant Professor of Critical Media Analysis in the School of Communication. “Cyberwar and Revolution: Digital Subterfuge in Global Capitalism.” March 2019. cut by vikas bbyyy This is not the place for a detailed examination of the political economy of " AND use of cyberweaponry, in counterinsurgency operations, domestic surveillance, and digital strikes
When confronted with the ethical injunction of the aff, respond with “I would prefer not to”—vote neg on presumption Baudrillard 98 (Jean Baudrillard, “Present Considerations: The Uncertainty of All Value Systems” xx-xx-1998, GS) It’s also the parody of political emancipation. Is capitalism for you the cold monster AND Marcuse. Decidedly, freedom isn’t simple, and liberation even less so.