1AC - Whitey on the Moon 1NC - Util Mining DA Tradeoff DA Case 1AR - all 2NR - Util DA DA 2AR - Case DA DA
Emory
3
Opponent: Spencer Swickle | Judge: Andrew Shaw
1AC - Space Communism v3 1NC - Spec outer space University K 1AR - Spec Dispo zizek bad Case K 2NR - answer shells K 2AR - Case K
Emory
5
Opponent: Midlothian AC | Judge: Maxine Adams
1AC - Racial Cap v2 1NC - TFWK Setcol case 1AR - all 2nr - case K 2ar - case K
Glenbrooks
5
Opponent: Vishnu | Judge: Phoenix Pittman
1AC - Kant 1NC - Must not read 1ar theory highest layer dtd Wehiliye 1AR - All 2nr - theory 2ar - answering theory case
Glenbrooks
4
Opponent: James Logan LZ | Judge: Jacob Palmer
1AC - Racial Cap 1NC - Econ DA Racist Strikes Pik Case 1AR - all 2nr - racist strikes pik 2ar - case Pik
Glenbrooks
1
Opponent: Harker SY | Judge: Alex Rivera
1AC - Racial Cap 1NC - Util DA cap good 1AR - all 2nr - all 2ar - all
Glenbrooks
7
Opponent: Presentation NR | Judge: Derek Hilligoss
1AC - Racial cap 1NC - setcol K 1ar - case K 2nr - k 2ar - case k
Grapevine
2
Opponent: Lake Highland AB | Judge: JP Stuckert
1AC - Evergreening 1NC - Orphan patent DA Infra DA Case 1AR - Neg must read an advo text Straight refs bad then case all 2NR - answer theory and then infra disad 2AR - straight refs bad
Grapevine
3
Opponent: Jet Sun | Judge: Sam
1AC - Evergreening must disclose case cards 1NC - climate patents infra disad scientist CP china PIC 1AR - Must disclose case cards 2nr - disclosure 2ar - disclosure
Grapevine
5
Opponent: Lily broussard | Judge: megan wu
1AC - Evergreening 1NC - Espec combo shell util spec pic pic case 1AR - must spec spirit over text multiple 1n shells without rvis bad answering espec comboshell and util spec 2NR - E-spec 2AR - must spec textspirit
Grapevine
Triples
Opponent: Andrew Kim | Judge: Andres Shaw
1AC - Evergreening 1NC - Psycho Skep case 1AR - Spec Skep or theory first Nibs bad Skep repugnant 2NR - psycho ows theory responding to 1ar theory 2ar - skep repugnant
Greenhill
2
Opponent: Marlborough ML | Judge: David Dosch
1AC - Evergreening V3 1NC - Innovation DA HIF CP Dollar heg da 1AR - all 2nr - innovation DA case 2ar - case innovation da
Greenhill
3
Opponent: Harker KB | Judge: Tom Evnen
1AC - Evergreening v3 Contact Info Theory Disclose post-round citations Greenhill 1NC - Biden PC healthcare DA 34ths PIC 1AR - Must Spec Status Straight refs bad Country Pics Bad 2NR - Reasonability answering all shells 2AR - Straight Refs Bad
Greenhill
9
Opponent: asf | Judge: gdsa
asdf
Greenhill
5
Opponent: Peninsula RM | Judge: Tej Gedela
1AC - evergreening 1NC - Courts CP Obviousness CP innovation DA infra DA 1AR - Must not read reject 1ar theory all 2nr - answer theory courts CP 2ar - courts CP
Greenhill
Doubles
Opponent: Harker AS | Judge: Panel
1AC - Evergreening 1NC - Nebel T Adv CP Drug prices DA 1AR - all 2nr - CP DA 2AR - CP DA CASE
Lexington
1
Opponent: Dhruv | Judge: claire liu
1AC - Space Communism 1NC - Theory heg Util INnovation DA Heg good cap good 1ar - all 2nr - cap good 2ar - cap good
Lexington
4
Opponent: Roberto Sosa | Judge: Anthony Survance
1AC - Racial Cap 1NC - Util mining pic cap good 1AR - all pic bad and condo bad paragraph voters 2nr - Util Pic 2ar - Case Pic
To modify or delete round reports, edit the associated round.
Cites
Entry
Date
0 - READ ME CITES UPDATE GRAPEVINE
Tournament: Grapevine | Round: Quarters | Opponent: asdfas | Judge: fds Ok for some reason my citations are only half working - I have been submitting aff cites and neg cites but for some reason only half of them show up. Please check round reports and opensource because everything is there, and otherwise contact me on facebook or email if you need anything from me.
9/12/21
0 - READ ME IMPORTANT CITES
Tournament: Loyola | Round: Quarters | Opponent: a | Judge: a Cites aren't working for loyola - dm if you need them + everything is in open source. Sorry about this.
9/4/21
0 - contact
Tournament: f | Round: Semis | Opponent: f | Judge: f Facebook: Sebastian Cho Email: sebastiancho2004@gmail.
Hi, I'm Sebastian. Preferred contact is Facebook, but send me a friend request first or I won't see it.
9/4/21
0- Grapevine OS Note
Tournament: Grapevine | Round: Quarters | Opponent: asdfas | Judge: fds Note - my os docs are scuffed - it shows up as a blank doc when downloaded even when I edit it - msg me for docs or if you know how to fix it
Interpretation: Debaters must, on the page with their name and the school they attend, disclose their contact information
Violation: They didn't
Prefer
1~ Inclusion – Novices would have a way to contact you about your positions and learn from them and debaters would tell you before round about triggering positions that you've read before. Independent voter because inclusion is a gateway issue for debate to occur in the first place
2~ Prep Skew- Pre-round disclosure can't happen if you don't have a preferable means of contact because I would never know the aff. Cross apply reasons prep skew outweighs.
They'll say they contacted us but that's only because we had contact info and if they didn't reach out no disclosure would have ever happened.
Interpretation: At greenhill, debaters must disclose all constructive speech docs open source with highlighting on the NDCA LD wiki by the tech-check or 15 minutes before the next round start.
Violation: Their aff wiki is empty – timestamp is 2:55 central, 5 mins before round
Prefer on the tourney invite
Timmons and Powell 21 (Aaron Timmons, Director of Debate – Greenhill School and Demarcus Powell, teacher and coach at Greenhill School.) 2021 Greenhill Fall Classic Invitation, September 17, 2021 https://docs.google.com/document/d/12zeUPREmBufE5N3c80zt1CYNnzZyy6ZPaCVI2KBkgL8/edit Page 11, DOA 9/17/21 Case List - Applicable to both Policy Debate and Lincoln Douglas Debate As mentioned in the opening letter, those attending the Greenhill Fall Classic are guests of Greenhill School and its coaching staff. While we value different pedagogical perspectives, at this event, we are unwavering in our perspective on the value of openness. We have required disclosure as a condition of competing at Greenhill for over a decade. We know some people disagree with that expectation. We respect that area of disagreement, we just ask that you compete elsewhere. Openness promotes comprehension and preparation, which are critical components for effective clash, and better debates. As the host of an early season tournament, we feel particularly compelled to promote an environment that facilitates better debates for the students in volved. Case lists enhance the pedagogical and competitive goals of openness by allowing students to better understand their opponents' arguments which is an essential component to quality clash and better debates. *If you cannot agree with the stipulation below, we respectfully ask that you explore other competitive opportunities this weekend. Those that DO attend, yet attempt to evade/ignore our requests, will be asked to leave. Participation in the Greenhill Fall Classic, and its benefits like mutual preference judging, is a privilege, not a right.* It is also our belief that teams/debaters have an affirmative obligation to update the wiki as new arguments are run throughout the tournament. To clarify, this is a requirement/expectation to compete. To provide clarification about the expectation of the timeliness of disclosure; we ask that the information be placed online as soon as possible. Aaron Timmons, Dr. Alexandra Chase, and Demarcus Powell will be the final determiners of what "timely" posting means. If we have to ask you to comply, that means, to be clear, you are not submitting in a timely manner. If we have to ask, MPJ will likely be removed from that school. Links to a Drop box are not acceptable. All information must be placed directly into the wiki. You may ask – "Why are you doing this?" 1. We are of the belief that a culture of openness in the sharing of academic information and believe that a case list is one vehicle to maximize that objective. 2. A case list that is required of all participants helps to "democratize" the collection of information for all schools in attendance. Without an official case list, schools with plenty of resources, coaches, etc., and are in the "inner circle" acquire a disproportionate amount of information relative to others. 3. A case list that is required of all participants, and clarifies the expectations for submission, helps to avoid "freeloading" by those that access the information, yet don't contribute the same level (or any amount) of information. You may ask – "What are you requiring us to do?" 1. The community norm that has developed in policy debate is that no one should have to disclose a position that they haven't run yet. We feel this norm is applicable to Lincoln Douglas as well. We are not asking you to disclose information BEFORE you run it. Specifically, if this is your first event of the year you do not have to disclose your positions until you run them. For example, if you run a case round one, only then does it become public information. 2. The expectation is that all debaters are required to disclose positions (affirmative and negative) and full citations (including page numbers of the evidence), and a few words from the beginning and end of the card, that are read in any debate on the National Debate Coaches Association wiki. The URL for the case list is http://www.debatecoaches.org/resources/wikis. It is our expectation of judges to evaluate (and adjudicate) perceived violations of our expectations regarding disclosure
Three impacts
A~ Risk of losing MPJs causes debates that are skewed to argument bias,
B~ I shouldn't have to ask pre-round because it was an apriori obligation to compete
C~ Pre-round prep – disclosure causes better better engagement which o/ws because prep is key to make clash effective
Fairness – debate is a competitive activity that requires fairness for objective evaluation. Outweighs because each debater assumes the judge fairly evaluates their arguments.
Drop the debater – a~ it deters future abuse and sets a positive norm. b~ we didn't read this against an argument.
Competing interps – ~a~ reasonability is arbitrary and encourages judge intervention since there's no clear norm, ~b~ it creates a race to the top where we create the best possible norms for debate.
No RVIs on 1AC theory – a~ it gives the 1NC 7 minutes to dump on the shell which the 4 minute 1AR cannot come back from, b~ it encourages the 1NC to go all in on theory which leads to maximal substance crowdout, c~ 1AR is too short to win theory and substance so 1AC theory has to be no risk
Evaluate disclosure before 1NC theory – a) scope of norming – , b) magnitude – pre-round prep and disclosure affects a larger portion of the debate since it determines every speech after it and pre round neg prep
9/18/21
1 - G - Neg must read an advocacy theory
Tournament: Grapevine | Round: 2 | Opponent: Lake Highland AB | Judge: JP Stuckert Interp: The neg debater must read and delineated and advocacy text in the 1nc
9/11/21
1 - G - Nibs Bad
Tournament: Grapevine | Round: Triples | Opponent: Andrew Kim | Judge: Andres Shaw Nibs are a voting issue reciprocity
9/14/21
1 - G - Skep Spec
Tournament: Grapevine | Round: Triples | Opponent: Andrew Kim | Judge: Andres Shaw Interp: If the neg reads skep then they must specify in cross-ex whether it takes out theory
9/14/21
1 - G - Spec Status
Tournament: Greenhill | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harker KB | Judge: Tom Evnen Interp: If the negative debater reads an alternative, then they must specify the status of the alt in a delineated text in the 1nc.
Extemp
9/18/21
1 - G - Straight Refs Bad theory
Tournament: Grapevine | Round: 2 | Opponent: Lake Highland AB | Judge: JP Stuckert Interp: The negative debater must establish their own ethical fw
The value is morality as ought denotes a moral obligation.
The litmus test for ethics is certainty and non-arbitrariness – blurry guidelines for ethics allows agents to inconsistently understand morality or arbitrarily opt out which renders ethics useless since it can't serve as a guide to action.
Thus, the meta-ethic is practical reason.
1~ Empirical Uncertainty – only intrinsic and a priori truths like 1+1
2 are certain for agents – relying on the empirics is incoherent because different agents have different interpretations.====
2~ Solipsism – contingent circumstances such as utility are uncertain – I can never know what another agents feels or thinks which means its nonverifiable but practical reason is universal and applies to all agents. Outweighs since it would be escapable since people could say they don't experience the same.
3~ Infinite Regress – certainty must answer "why" because it would otherwise allow agents to infinitely question why it's true – other frameworks allow agents to question every part of it, but questioning reason concedes its authority which proves its inescapable.
Practical reason is universalizable – its incoherent to claim that 1+1
2 for me, but not for everyone else. ====
Thus, the value criterion is consistency with universalizable maxims – only intentions matter.
Prefer Additionally –
1~ Performativity – when you enter debate, you presume that you will be free in round because of reciprocally enforced constraints which means objections are impossible and should be ignored on face.
2~ Ideal Theory Good – a~ Sequencing – we need an ideal world to envision to work towards so only ideal theory can guide action b~ Relativity Problem – We can't assign universal obligation since non-ideal theory commits us to understanding individual circumstances which is radically different for each person
3~ The existence of extrinsic goodness requires unconditional human worth—that means we must treat others as ends in themselves.
Korsgaard '83 (Christine M., "Two Distinctions in Goodness," The Philosophical Review Vol. 92, No. 2 (Apr., 1983), pp. 169-195, JSTOR) OS The argument shows how Kant's idea of justification works. It can be read as AND -and, in general, to make the highest good our end.
4~ The Kantian subject is the opposite of abstract and embraces an embodied subject—universalizability is essential to mutual recognition of others.
Farr 1 Arnold Farr (prof of phil @ UKentucky, focusing on German idealism, philosophy of race, postmodernism, psychoanalysis, and liberation philosophy). "Can a Philosophy of Race Afford to Abandon the Kantian Categorical Imperative?" JOURNAL of SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY, Vol. 33 No. 1, Spring 2002, 17–32. "One of the most popular criticisms of Kant's moral philosophy is that it is AND choosing my maxims I attempt to include the perspective of other moral agents.
1AC – Contention
Resolved: The member nations of the World Trade Organization ought to reduce intellectual property protections for medicines originating from living organisms and biological or living processes. Spec in doc.
Actor – member nations of the World Trade Organization – https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/tif_e/org6_e.htm Intellectual Property Protections – 4 types of IP. Rumore 5/17 ~ AND in a way that also protects the knowledge and innovations of local communities.
1~ Put away theft turns – biopiracy is stealing.
Khor 3 ~Martin Khor (director of the Third World Network — a non-profit international network that researches, publishes on, and organises events about issues relating to development — which is based in Malaysia). Why we must fight biopiracy". SciDev. 23/04/03. Accessed 8/26/21. https://www.scidev.net/global/opinions/why-we-must-fight-biopiracy/Xu + duongie~ Indigenous knowledge (IK) is now widely recognised as vital for ecological and social AND drain on developing countries' foreign exchange, and adding to their foreign debt.
2~ Biopiracy patents indigenous peoples which treats them as means to an end – that's the worst impact since it literally treats tissue and blood samples as a mere means since they don't get financial reparations.
Stenton 03 ~Gavin Stenton (dual-qualified solicitor and chartered trade mark attorney, co-head of the firm's fashion and luxury brands group and a member of MARQUES' international trademark law and practice team and the Bucharest Bar Association). "Biopiracy within the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Stark Illustration of how Abusive, Manipulative and Perverse the Patenting Process can be towards Countries of the South." Intellectual Property Law (LW556) Dissertation. 2002/2003. Accessed 8/27/21. https://studylib.net/doc/7759695/a-stark-illustration-of-how-abusive—manipulative Xu+Elmer~ The potential scope of biopiracy is clearly not restricted to exotic vegetation and soils as AND testing. Such compelling arguments evidently provide an undisputable justification for significant remuneration.
1AC – Advantage
The Advantage is BioD –
1~ Brazil – pharmaceutical biopiracy causes environmental exploitation, deforestation, and illegal trafficking – it's 20 of Earth's total.
Danley 12 ~Vanessa Danley (LL.M., University of Oregon School of Law). "Biopiracy in the Brazilian Amazon: Learning from International and Comparative Law Successes and Shortcomings to Help Promote Biodiversity Conservation in Brazil". Florida A and M University Law Review. Spring 2012. Accessed 8/27/21. https://commons.law.famu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1065andcontext=famulawreviewXu~ Brazil has 10 to 20 of all biodiversity in the entire planet, AND only in the Amazon forest, but also in other parts of Brazil.
2~ India – TK is the source and only sustainable facilitators but bio-pirated IP degrades a global biod center.
Sharma et al 18 ~Bhavika Sharma (Department of Environment, Chandigarh Administration), Shalini Singh Maurya (Indian Council of Agricultural Research), and Brahmacharimayum Jesmita Devi (Central Soil and Water Conservation Research and Training Institute). "India's Fight Against Agricultural and Medicinal Plants' Biopiracy: Its Implications on Food Security, Traditional Rights and Knowledge Degradation". International Journal of Agriculture, Environment and Biotechnology. December 2018. Accessed 8/27/21. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/330903124_India's_Fight_Against_Agricultural_and_Medicinal_Plants'_Biopiracy_Its_Implications_on_Food_Security_Traditional_Rights_and_Knowledge_DegradationXu~ At present, about two-third of the Indian population relies on indigenous knowledge AND 2014). A few instances of biopiracy have been presented in Table 1.
3~ Sri Lanka – meta-analysis proves medicinal biopiracy causes BioD loss but is invisibilized by Big Pharma.
Imran et al 2/19 ~Yoonus Imran, Nalaka Wijekoon, Lakmal Gonawala, (Interdisciplinary Centre for Innovation in Biotechnology and Neuroscience, Faculty of Medical Sciences, University of Sri Jayewardenepura, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka) and Yu-Chung Chiang (Department of Biological Sciences, National Sun Yat-Sen University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan), and K. Ranil D. De Silva. "Biopiracy: Abolish Corporate Hijacking of Indigenous Medicinal Entities". The Scientific World Journal. Published 19 February 2021. Accessed 8/27/2021. https://www.hindawi.com/journals/tswj/2021/8898842/Xu~ According to ~3~, the definition of biopiracy is "the unauthorized extraction of AND making Ceylon cinnamon as a one billion dollar industry ~30–33~.
BioD is on the brink, unpredictable, and causes food insecurity.
Causes destabilization, global draw-in, and nuclear war.
DeFeo 17 ~Michael DeFeo (graduated in 2019 with a Bachelors degree in Political Science from Gettysburg College). "Food Insecurity and the Threat to Global Stability and Security in the 21st Century". Inquiries Journal. VOL. 9 NO. 12. 2017. Accessed 8/27/21. http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/1712/food-insecurity-and-the-threat-to-global-stability-and-security-in-the-21st-centuryXu~ In 2010, over 250,000 Syrian farmers were forced from their land due AND to curb mass starvation and avoid the horrendous violence that consumes starving countries.
Extinction.
PND 16. internally citing Zbigniew Brzezinski, Council of Foreign Relations and former national security adviser to President Carter, Toon and Robock's 2012 study on nuclear winter in the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, Gareth Evans' International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Report, Congressional EMP studies, studies on nuclear winter by Seth Baum of the Global Catastrophic Risk Institute and Martin Hellman of Stanford University, and U.S. and Russian former Defense Secretaries and former heads of nuclear missile forces, brief submitted to the United Nations General Assembly, Open-Ended Working Group on nuclear risks. A/AC.286/NGO/13. 05-03-2016. http://www.reachingcriticalwill.org/images/documents/Disarmament-fora/OEWG/2016/Documents/NGO13.pdfRe-cut by Elmer Consequences human survival 12. Even if the 'other' side does NOT launch in response AND course the immediate post-nuclear results for Hiroshima and Nagasaki as well.
Plan solves – IPRs are the key facilitator of biopiracy BUT challenging patenting is reverse causal.
Mehta 8 ~Harish Mehta (reporter for the IATP. "New recruits in the battle against biopirates". Institute for Agricultural and Trade Policy. Feb 7, 2008. Accessed 8/25/21. https://www.iatp.org/news/new-recruits-in-the-battle-against-biopiratesXu+Elmer~ But it remains only a warning because there is nothing to prevent an individual or AND effecting much needed reform to colonial-era attitudes among the rich nations.
Reject Negative Turns – there is a distinction between bioprospecting and biopiracy – the Plan shifts to bioprospecting which is good.
Mackey and Lian 12 Mackey, Tim K., and Bryan A. Liang. "Integrating biodiversity management and indigenous biopiracy protection to promote environmental justice and global health." American journal of public health 102.6 (2012): 1091-1095. (Associate Professor at University of California, San Diego School of Medicine)Elmer BIOMEDICAL RESEARCH AND the discovery and development of medicines often focus on naturally occurring materials AND these equity issues and promote sustainable and responsible global governance in biodiversity management.
11/17/21
2 - SO - Bioterror AC
Tournament: Patterson | Round: 2 | Opponent: Broken Arrow JM | Judge: Taj
1AC: ADV
The Advantage is Bioterrorism:
International Patent Laws are insufficient in the event of bioterrorism – compensation disputes and vague legal language cause massive delays in status quo compulsory licensing.
Mullowney and Harris 13 Mullowney, J., and Harris, N. (2013). Patent Protectability or Public Health?—An Examination of the Patent Compulsory License and Bioterrorism. Journal of Biosecurity, Biosafety, and Biodefense Law, 4(1). doi:10.1515/jbbbl-2012-0011 sid The compulsory license also comes with its drawbacks. This article has made frequent reference AND out an express requirement that the negotiations be done in good faith.110
Compulsory Licensing clause in the TRIPS Act hurts Bioterrorism response:
1~ Definitional and Interpretational Problems
Oriola 1, Taiwo A. "Against the Plague: Exemption of Pharmaceutical Patent Rights as a Biosecurity Strategy." U. Ill. JL Tech. and Pol'y (2007): 287. (Senior Lecturer in Law at the University of Derby Law School)Elmer Given the TRIPS Agreement's generous latitudes for pharmaceutical patent rights derogation—as exemplified by AND the use of compulsory licensure for a bioterrorism-induced public health crisis.
2~ Lobbyists and Interest Groups – they deter usage of Compulsory Licensing under conditional clauses by exploitation bureaucratic red tape.
Oriola 2, Taiwo A. "Against the Plague: Exemption of Pharmaceutical Patent Rights as a Biosecurity Strategy." U. Ill. JL Tech. and Pol'y (2007): 287. (Senior Lecturer in Law at the University of Derby Law School)Elmer b. Economic and Political Expediencies as Impediments to the Usefulness of the Consent- AND the bioterrorism context, but in all situations where public health is threatened.
Bioterrorism is coming now – four warrants:
1~ Terrorist groups are looking for capabilities.
Dass 21 Reuben Ananthan Santhana Dass March 2021 "Bioterrorism: Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses" Jstor (Research Analyst with the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research)Elmer Threat Assessment Several experts, including terrorism scholar Andrew Silke, have warned that the AND far that these calls have been adhered to by far-right elements.
2~ Lab diseases have historically had existential potential – new technology amplifies those risks.
3~ Dual use tech, DIY science, the internet, and expiring patent terms expand access to terrorist organizations.
Million-Perez, H. (2016). Addressing duel-use technology in an age of bioterrorism: Patent extensions to inspire companies making duel use technology to create accompanying countermeasures. AIPLA Quarterly Journal, 44(3), 387-436. Rachael Million-Perez is an associate with Fitzpatrick, Cella, Harper and Scinto and a graduate of the George Washington University Law School. sid Although we all benefit from the biotechnological revolution, people worldwide are challenged by the AND .70 For this reason, dual-use technologies require viable countermeasures.
4~ It's uniquely feasible now – reject outdated defense – bio-engineering overcomes every obstacle.
Patel and D'Souza 20 Trushar R. Patel and Michael Hilary D'Souza 5-18-2020 "Coronavirus is not a bioweapon — but bioterrorism is a real future threat" (Trushar R. Patel receives funding from the Canada Research Chair Program. Michael Hilary D'Souza receives funding from Canada Research Chair Program in conjunction with Trushar Patel. Partners)Elmer Opportunity and expertise The feasibility of designing and dispersing biological weapons varies in difficulty depending AND can be masked by developments in medical industry, health and agricultural research.
Bioterrorism causes Extinction – overcomes any conventional defense.
Walsh 19, Bryan. End Times: A Brief Guide to the End of the World. Hachette Books, 2019. (Future Correspondent for Axios, Editor of the Science and Technology Publication OneZero, Former Senior and International Editor at Time Magazine, BA from Princeton University)Elmer I've lived through disease outbreaks, and in the previous chapter I showed just how AND to pull this off. It's actually surprising that it hasn't happened yet."
Uncertainty of capabilities is not defense but reason to prefer a focus on preventing Bioterrorism – there's a 50 chance the next attack is existential.
Millett and Beattie 17, Piers, and Andrew Snyder-Beattie. "Existential risk and cost-effective biosecurity." Health security 15.4 (2017): 373-383. (Senior Research Fellow at the Future of Humanity Institute, where he focuses on pandemic and deliberate disease)Elmer Why Uncertainty Is Not Cause for Reassurance Each of our estimates rely to some extent AND basis of our conservative models, until superior models of the risk emerge.
1AC: Plan
Text: The member nations of the World Trade Organization ought to reduce intellectual property protections for medicines by implementing an unconditional bio-terrorism-specific pharmaceutical patent appropriation clause.
Modify it to clarify vagueness concerns Mullowney and Harris 13 Mullowney, J., and Harris, N. (2013). Patent Protectability or Public Health?—An Examination of the Patent Compulsory License and Bioterrorism. Journal of Biosecurity, Biosafety, and Biodefense Law, 4(1). doi:10.1515/jbbbl-2012-0011 sid Therefore, in order to grant a compulsory license, the following elements should all AND ensures that the intellectual property rights of the patents holder are likewise protected.
Here are the conditions in which the Aff is triggered
Resnik 4 David B. Resnik May 2004 "Terrorism and Intellectual Property Rights" https://journalofethics.ama-assn.org/article/terrorism-and-intellectual-property-rights/2004-05 (an American bioethicist who works at the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences)Elmer DeVille and I argued that the anthrax attacks did not meet these stringent conditions for AND it is appropriate to override IPRs to prevent or mitigate a national emergency.
1AC: FW
The standard is maximizing expected well-being. Prefer –
1~ Naturalism – Only material realities are epistemically accessible
Papineau '07 David Papineau, "Naturalism". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2007KOHS-AG Moore took this argument to show that moral facts comprise a distinct species of non AND it is hard to see how we can have any knowledge of them.
Pleasure is an intrinsic good—solves regress.
Moen '16 – (Ole Martin, PhD, Research Fellow in Philosophy @ University of Oslo, "An Argument for Hedonism." Journal of Value Inquiry 50.2 (2016): 267). Modified for glang Let us start by observing, empirically, that a widely shared judgment about intrinsic AND that pain is intrinsically disvaluable. I shall argue that these objections fail.
Outweighs –
A~ Other FWs rely on long questionable claims that make them less likely. Only util is epistemically accessible. B~ History – Thousands of years of debating haven't settled ethical questions, so presume util since there's good in making the world a better place
2~ States must use util – they seek practical benefits for constituents and aren't unified agents so they don't have intentions. No calc indicts since states use util successfully all the time and they just prove util's hard to use not impossible.
3~ Death outweighs – agents can't act ethically if they fear bodily harm – turns NCs
4~ Extinction comes first under any framing – future value, magnitude, risk parity
Pummer 15 Theron, Junior Research Fellow in Philosophy at St. Anne's College, University of Oxford. "Moral Agreement on Saving the World" Practical Ethics, University of Oxford. May 18, 2015 AT, recut BWSEK There appears to be lot of disagreement in moral philosophy. Whether these many apparent AND , in general, have good lives. It's possible they'll be miserable.
5~ Consequentialism true –
A~ No intent-foresight distinction – when I foresee something it enters into my intention B~ No act-omission distinction – omitting is just choosing not to take any other action C~ Necessary enablers – If I ought to mow the lawn, then I AND only evaluate if you've achieved their FW by looking at the consequences of it
10/9/21
2 - SO - Note for Affs
Tournament: Greenhill | Round: 9 | Opponent: asf | Judge: gdsa For some reason specifically the my aff will not refuse to be cited - I've read multiple different versions of the advantage, as well as different. Please check O-source for different versions of affs, and I will also send any relevant changes of old rounds and try my best to send cites (I can't really do this either cuz wikify won't work for my affs.)
9/18/21
3 - ND - Racial Cap AC
Tournament: UT | Round: 2 | Opponent: Ella Huang | Judge: Samantha Mcloughlin
1AC
Part 1 is the Impacts
All Capitalism is Racial Capitalism – the modern system of labor can only sustain itself through parasitic governance which produce disposable populations and black death
Wang 18 ~Jackie, PhD African-American Studies @ Harvard, "Carceral Capitalism" p. 63-85ak47~ Mass Incarceration, the Debt Economy, and the Post-Work Society The purpose AND the carceral continuum alongside and in conjunction with the dynamics of late capitalism.
Resource competition and wealth extraction under Racial Capitalism produces fascism, endless war and environmental destruction
Robinson 14 (William I., Prof. of Sociology, Global and International Studies, and Latin American Studies, @ UC-Santa Barbara, "Global Capitalism: Crisis of Humanity and the Specter of 21st Century Fascism" The World Financial Review) Cyclical, Structural, and Systemic Crises Most commentators on the contemporary crisis refer to AND indeed, generates a fascination with domination that is portrayed even as heroic.
Part 2 is the Solvency
I affirm Resolved: A just government ought to recognize an unconditional right of workers to strike.
"Government" means What is GOVERNMENT? 1. The regulation, restraint, supervision, or control which is exercised upon the individual members of an organized jural society by those invested with the supreme political authority, for the good and welfare of the body politic; or the act of exercising supreme political power or control.
Britannica ND ~Encyclopædia Britannica, No Date, Encyclopædia Britannica is a general knowledge English-language encyclopaedia which is now published exclusively as an online encyclopedia, https://www.britannica.com/topic/vanguard-of-the-proletariatWFU Partner Majed~ In Vladimir Lenin: Formation of a revolutionary party of Vladimir Lenin …the party AND and guide, constantly showing the proletariat where its true class interests lie.
"Ought" denotes futurity
English Grammar 10 ~"Must and Ought to"; English Grammar; August 16, 2010; https://www.englishgrammar.org/must-and-ought-to/BWSWJ~ Ought expresses ideas such as duty, necessity and moral obligation. It is not AND when it is followed by the perfect infinitive (have + past participle).
====The plan solves – a future Vanguard party recognizing an unconditional right to strike is key to resist bourgeois consciousness and organize against Racial Capitalism ==== COFI 93 ~COFI (Communist Organization for the Fourth International). Notes from the article – "The following is an article written by a former COFI supporter in Australia in 1993. The references to the WRT within the article refer to a former internal tendency within the Workers Revolution Group of Australia at that time. The article takes up in depth our understanding of the relationship between the task of building the proletarian revolutionary party and the development of working class consciousness." "Excerpted—with slight editing—from the major Resolution passed at the WRG Conference, moved by the Revolutionary Party Faction." "The Leninist Concept of the Revolutionary Vanguard Party". Marxists.org. 1993. Accessed 11/7/21. https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/socialistvoice/partyPR46.htmlXu~ Communist Strike Leadership Necessary The basic concept of the party advanced by the Menshevik WRT AND "spontaneously revolutionary socialist" workers. This is metaphysics, not Marxism.
Part 3 is the Method
The plan is a good idea but isn't separate from the broader framework – justifications are a prior question to imagining specific mechanisms because they answer when, why and how that action takes place.
Our scenario analysis of the plan develops the political grammar for revolution – before we can discuss how to get there, we first must theorize what exact future we are fighting for
Mass base cultivation must start through utopic communist demands like the aff that prophesize the end of Capitalism
Tonstad 16 (Professor Tonstad is a constructive theologian working at the intersection of systematic theology with feminist and queer theory. Her first book, God and Difference: The Trinity, Sexuality, and the Transformation of Finitude, was published by Routledge in 2016 and was named both as a best new book in ethics and a best new book in theology in Christian Century in the spring of 2017. "Debt Time is Straight Time" political theology, Vol. 17 No. 5, September 2016, 434–448, Edited for ableist language – "visible" changed to "recognizable" ) If debt time, as I have argued, is straight time, can other AND to learn to want through institution-building and the generation of publics.
Debate is a valuable pedagogical space for material analysis and scientific planning – our form of study uses historical synthesis to avoid error replication and catalyze a mass base transition.
Williams 18 ~Carine, 7/30/18, "Why Black People Need Maoism in 2018", The Hampton Institute, http://www.hamptoninstitution.org/why-black-people-need-maoism.html~~#.XWwv7ZNKh0s KZaidi~ When they hear Maoism, many people think of China, Peru, and the AND invaluable resource in promoting revolutionary ideology and practice in the finest Marxist tradition.
The aff forwards a model of debate where iterative ballots over a season help us determine what a future communist world would look like - Academic debate and knowledge production is key to establish the conditions that makes revolution possible
Southall 10 (Nicholas Southall, doctoral student, University of Wollongong. "A Multitude of Possibilities: The Strategic Vision of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt," School of History and Politics and Sociology, 2010, http://ro.uow.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4274andcontext=theses ) Communism will remain associated with many of the horrors of the twentieth century. Yet AND and Negri's strategic vision, interweaving communist hypotheses with the proletariat's multitudinous struggles.
Part 4 is the Cold War
Central Planning solves everything –
1~ Red Innovation –
Nieto and Mateo 20 ~Maxi Nieto is a PhD is sociology from the University of Elche and writer for Ciber Comunismo and Juan Pablo Mateo is a visiting scholar in the department of Economics at The New School, New York and economics professor at the University of Valladolid (Spain). January 2020, "Dynamic Efficiency in a Planned Economy: Innovation and Entrepreneurship Without Markets", Science and Society, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338327276_Dynamic_Efficiency_in_a_Planned_Economy_Innovation_and_Entrepreneurship_Without_Marketsgbs jacobs and majeed~ 4.1. Innovation and social property. Innovation occurs as a result of AND including the incentive system). Among the main actors would be the following:
2~ Ecological Leninism –
Malm 20 ~Andreas Malm is associate senior lecturer in human ecology at Lund University. He is author of Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming and Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century. September 2020, "Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century", Verso Books GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ The impending catastrophe and how to combat it In the second week of September 1917 AND mean 'preordain'. Something can be necessary and yet never come about.
3~ Marxist Transhumanism –
Steinhoff 14 ~James Steinhoff (postdoctoral fellow at the eScience Institute of the University of Washington, Ph.D., Media Studies, The University of Western Ontario, M.A., Philosophy, The University of Windsor, B.A., English Literature and Philosophy, The University of Windsor). "Transhumanism and Marxism: Philosophical Connections". Journal of Evolution and Technology - Vol. 24 Issue 2 – May 2014. Accessed 11/5/21. https://philpapers.org/archive/STETAM-4.pdfXu~ The term "transhumanism" was coined by evolutionary biologist Julian Huxley in 1957. AND . The transformation of the individual and the transformation of society are inseparable.
4~ Capitalism is lagging –
Cockshott 98 ~Paul, 1998, Department of Computer Science, Strathclyde University, Glasgow, Scotland, "Application of Artificial Intelligence Techniques to Economic Planning", University of Strathclyde GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ Relevance of computer science Computation is always a physical process. It is always performed AND by computer constitutes a third economic alternative to market allocation or bureaucratic allocation.
Part 5 is Preempts
Impact Framing – Revolutionary Suicide is the risk we must take to abolish Racial Capitalism – there is no damnation worse than the current system.
Pinkard 13 ~2013, Lynice Pinkard, "Revolutionary Suicide: Risking Everything to Transform Society and Live Fully", Tikkun 2013 Volume 28, Number 4: 31-41, http://tikkun.dukejournals.org/content/28/4/31.full~~ I'd like to present an alternative to conventional identity politics, one that requires that AND in each of our lives, let's look at what we're up against.
Process Counterplan Framing – debates over institutional minutia siphon energy away from social transformation – distinctions in central tenants and epistemology should come first
Bhattacharyya 13, Race and Ethnicity Prof at Aston University (Gargi, How can we live with ourselves? Universities and the attempt to reconcile learning and doing, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 36, No. 9, 1411-1428) In Britain also there has been a move away from radical imagination in the politics AND but the aspirations of both scholars and public seem less than they were.
All Capitalism is Racial Capitalism – the modern system of labor can only sustain itself through parasitic governance which produce disposable populations and black death
Wang 18 ~Jackie, PhD African-American Studies @ Harvard, "Carceral Capitalism" p. 63-85ak47~ Mass Incarceration, the Debt Economy, and the Post-Work Society The purpose AND the carceral continuum alongside and in conjunction with the dynamics of late capitalism.
Resource competition and wealth extraction under Racial Capitalism produces fascism, endless war and environmental destruction
Robinson 14 (William I., Prof. of Sociology, Global and International Studies, and Latin American Studies, @ UC-Santa Barbara, "Global Capitalism: Crisis of Humanity and the Specter of 21st Century Fascism" The World Financial Review) Cyclical, Structural, and Systemic Crises Most commentators on the contemporary crisis refer to AND indeed, generates a fascination with domination that is portrayed even as heroic.
Part 2 is the Solvency
I affirm Resolved: A just government ought to recognize an unconditional right of workers to strike.
"Government" means What is GOVERNMENT? 1. The regulation, restraint, supervision, or control which is exercised upon the individual members of an organized jural society by those invested with the supreme political authority, for the good and welfare of the body politic; or the act of exercising supreme political power or control.
Britannica ND ~Encyclopædia Britannica, No Date, Encyclopædia Britannica is a general knowledge English-language encyclopaedia which is now published exclusively as an online encyclopedia, https://www.britannica.com/topic/vanguard-of-the-proletariatWFU Partner Majed~ In Vladimir Lenin: Formation of a revolutionary party of Vladimir Lenin …the party AND and guide, constantly showing the proletariat where its true class interests lie.
"Ought" denotes futurity
English Grammar 10 ~"Must and Ought to"; English Grammar; August 16, 2010; https://www.englishgrammar.org/must-and-ought-to/BWSWJ~ Ought expresses ideas such as duty, necessity and moral obligation. It is not AND when it is followed by the perfect infinitive (have + past participle).
====The plan solves – a future Vanguard party recognizing an unconditional right to strike is key to resist bourgeois consciousness and organize against Racial Capitalism ==== COFI 93 ~COFI (Communist Organization for the Fourth International). Notes from the article – "The following is an article written by a former COFI supporter in Australia in 1993. The references to the WRT within the article refer to a former internal tendency within the Workers Revolution Group of Australia at that time. The article takes up in depth our understanding of the relationship between the task of building the proletarian revolutionary party and the development of working class consciousness." "Excerpted—with slight editing—from the major Resolution passed at the WRG Conference, moved by the Revolutionary Party Faction." "The Leninist Concept of the Revolutionary Vanguard Party". Marxists.org. 1993. Accessed 11/7/21. https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/socialistvoice/partyPR46.htmlXu~ Communist Strike Leadership Necessary The basic concept of the party advanced by the Menshevik WRT AND "spontaneously revolutionary socialist" workers. This is metaphysics, not Marxism.
Part 3 is the Method
The plan is a good idea but isn't separate from the broader framework – justifications are a prior question to imagining specific mechanisms because they answer when, why and how that action takes place.
Our scenario analysis of the plan develops the political grammar for revolution – before we can discuss how to get there, we first must theorize what exact future we are fighting for
Mass base cultivation must start through utopic communist demands like the aff that prophesize the end of Capitalism
Tonstad 16 (Professor Tonstad is a constructive theologian working at the intersection of systematic theology with feminist and queer theory. Her first book, God and Difference: The Trinity, Sexuality, and the Transformation of Finitude, was published by Routledge in 2016 and was named both as a best new book in ethics and a best new book in theology in Christian Century in the spring of 2017. "Debt Time is Straight Time" political theology, Vol. 17 No. 5, September 2016, 434–448, Edited for ableist language – "visible" changed to "recognizable" ) If debt time, as I have argued, is straight time, can other AND to learn to want through institution-building and the generation of publics.
Debate is a valuable pedagogical space for material analysis and scientific planning – our form of study uses historical synthesis to avoid error replication and catalyze a mass base transition.
Williams 18 ~Carine, 7/30/18, "Why Black People Need Maoism in 2018", The Hampton Institute, http://www.hamptoninstitution.org/why-black-people-need-maoism.html~~#.XWwv7ZNKh0s KZaidi~ When they hear Maoism, many people think of China, Peru, and the AND invaluable resource in promoting revolutionary ideology and practice in the finest Marxist tradition.
The aff forwards a model of debate where iterative ballots over a season help us determine what a future communist world would look like - Academic debate and knowledge production is key to establish the conditions that makes revolution possible
Southall 10 (Nicholas Southall, doctoral student, University of Wollongong. "A Multitude of Possibilities: The Strategic Vision of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt," School of History and Politics and Sociology, 2010, http://ro.uow.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4274andcontext=theses ) Communism will remain associated with many of the horrors of the twentieth century. Yet AND and Negri's strategic vision, interweaving communist hypotheses with the proletariat's multitudinous struggles.
Part 4 is the Cold War
Central Planning solves everything –
1~ Red Innovation –
Nieto and Mateo 20 ~Maxi Nieto is a PhD is sociology from the University of Elche and writer for Ciber Comunismo and Juan Pablo Mateo is a visiting scholar in the department of Economics at The New School, New York and economics professor at the University of Valladolid (Spain). January 2020, "Dynamic Efficiency in a Planned Economy: Innovation and Entrepreneurship Without Markets", Science and Society, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338327276_Dynamic_Efficiency_in_a_Planned_Economy_Innovation_and_Entrepreneurship_Without_Marketsgbs jacobs and majeed~ 4.1. Innovation and social property. Innovation occurs as a result of AND including the incentive system). Among the main actors would be the following:
2~ Ecological Leninism –
Malm 20 ~Andreas Malm is associate senior lecturer in human ecology at Lund University. He is author of Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming and Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century. September 2020, "Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century", Verso Books GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ The impending catastrophe and how to combat it In the second week of September 1917 AND mean 'preordain'. Something can be necessary and yet never come about.
3~ Prevention mentality –
Ignasi Lerma Montero 17. University School Professor at the Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, University of Valencia (Spain). He has been Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences (2005–2012), and coordinator of the Environmental Sociology Network of the Spanish Sociological Association (FES). 2017. "Landfill Culture: Some Implications to Degrowth." Transitioning to a Post-Carbon Society, edited by Ernest Garcia et al., Palgrave Macmillan UK. CrossRef, doi:10.1057/978-1-349-95176-5. Today's ecological crisis is directly linked to our economic development model, based on continuous AND just to comply with requirements, if they are complied with at all.
4~ Capitalism is lagging –
Cockshott 98 ~Paul, 1998, Department of Computer Science, Strathclyde University, Glasgow, Scotland, "Application of Artificial Intelligence Techniques to Economic Planning", University of Strathclyde GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ Relevance of computer science Computation is always a physical process. It is always performed AND by computer constitutes a third economic alternative to market allocation or bureaucratic allocation.
Part 5 is Preempts
Impact Framing – Revolutionary Suicide is the risk we must take to abolish Racial Capitalism – there is no damnation worse than the current system.
Pinkard 13 ~2013, Lynice Pinkard, "Revolutionary Suicide: Risking Everything to Transform Society and Live Fully", Tikkun 2013 Volume 28, Number 4: 31-41, http://tikkun.dukejournals.org/content/28/4/31.full~~ I'd like to present an alternative to conventional identity politics, one that requires that AND in each of our lives, let's look at what we're up against.
Process Counterplan Framing – debates over institutional minutia siphon energy away from social transformation – distinctions in central tenants and epistemology should come first
Bhattacharyya 13, Race and Ethnicity Prof at Aston University (Gargi, How can we live with ourselves? Universities and the attempt to reconcile learning and doing, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 36, No. 9, 1411-1428) In Britain also there has been a move away from radical imagination in the politics AND but the aspirations of both scholars and public seem less than they were.
12/7/21
4 - JF - Debris AC
Tournament: Strake | Round: Quarters | Opponent: James Song | Judge: Becca Traber, Holden Bukowsky, Joshua St Peter
1AC
Fw
Ethics begin a posteriori.
1. Knowledge is based on experience – I wouldn't know 2+2
4 without experience of objects nor the color red without some experience of color. We can't obtain evidence of goodness without experience.====
2. Indifference – Even if there are apriori moral truths, I can choose to ignore them. Cognition is binding – if I put my hand on a hot stove, I can't turn off my natural aversion to it.
3. Only moral naturalism can explain the influence of moral facts on the physical world – ethics must be understood a posteriori.
Papineau David ~Professor of Philosophy King's College London~, First published Thu Feb 22, 2007; substantive revision Tue Mar 31, 2020 https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/naturalism/~~#MorFac Moore took this argument to show that moral facts constitute a distinct species of non AND conceptual gap, not a metaphysical one (Ridge 2014: Section 2).
The standard is act hedonistic util. Prefer –
1 – Pleasure and pain are intrinsic value and disvalue – everything else regresses – robust neuroscience.
Blum et al. 18 Kenneth Blum, 1Department of Psychiatry, Boonshoft School of Medicine, Dayton VA Medical Center, Wright State University, Dayton, OH, USA 2Department of Psychiatry, McKnight Brain Institute, University of Florida College of Medicine, Gainesville, FL, USA 3Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Keck Medicine University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA 4Division of Applied Clinical Research and Education, Dominion Diagnostics, LLC, North Kingstown, RI, USA 5Department of Precision Medicine, Geneus Health LLC, San Antonio, TX, USA 6Department of Addiction Research and Therapy, Nupathways Inc., Innsbrook, MO, USA 7Department of Clinical Neurology, Path Foundation, New York, NY, USA 8Division of Neuroscience-Based Addiction Therapy, The Shores Treatment and Recovery Center, Port Saint Lucie, FL, USA 9Institute of Psychology, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary 10Division of Addiction Research, Dominion Diagnostics, LLC. North Kingston, RI, USA 11Victory Nutrition International, Lederach, PA., USA 12National Human Genome Center at Howard University, Washington, DC., USA, Marjorie Gondré-Lewis, 12National Human Genome Center at Howard University, Washington, DC., USA 13Departments of Anatomy and Psychiatry, Howard University College of Medicine, Washington, DC US, Bruce Steinberg, 4Division of Applied Clinical Research and Education, Dominion Diagnostics, LLC, North Kingstown, RI, USA, Igor Elman, 15Department Psychiatry, Cooper University School of Medicine, Camden, NJ, USA, David Baron, 3Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Keck Medicine University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA, Edward J Modestino, 14Department of Psychology, Curry College, Milton, MA, USA, Rajendra D Badgaiyan, 15Department Psychiatry, Cooper University School of Medicine, Camden, NJ, USA, Mark S Gold 16Department of Psychiatry, Washington University, St. Louis, MO, USA, "Our evolved unique pleasure circuit makes humans different from apes: Reconsideration of data derived from animal studies", U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, 28 February 2018, accessed: 19 August 2020, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6446569/, R.S. Pleasure is not only one of the three primary reward functions but it also defines AND these circuits contribute to diverse pathologies, including obesity and addiction or RDS.
2 – Pleasure is an intrinsic good and solves regress through tautology.
Moen 16 Ole Martin, PhD, Research Fellow in Philosophy at the University of Oslo. "An Argument for Hedonism." Journal of Value Inquiry 50(2). 2016. https://www.academia.edu/26656561/_An_Argument_for_Hedonism_by_Ole_Martin_Moen. PeteZ Let us start by observing, empirically, that a widely shared judgment about intrinsic AND – try or die to solve ethical anarachy in which infinite atrocities are allowed
3 – Actor spec – humans and governments have different obligations but this topic doesn't have an actor and uses passive voice instead. That means that only util is coherent since it evaluates the net utility or disutility of a state of affairs
O/Ws
A~ Resolvability – other frameworks that are normative aren't indexed to the rez and can't engage in post-hoc analysis of material violence which makes clash impossible and requires intervention for why it would affirm or negate
B~ topic specificity – other frameworks aren't able to analyze a dynamic state of affairs that accounts for new science and tech
4 – Calc indicts don't link – we don't need to prescribe specific actions or predict future consequences since we only evaluate the squo
Impact Calc
1~ Extinction comes first under any framing – future value, magnitude, risk parity
Pummer 15 Theron, Junior Research Fellow in Philosophy at St. Anne's College, University of Oxford. "Moral Agreement on Saving the World" Practical Ethics, University of Oxford. May 18, 2015 AT, recut BWSEK There appears to be lot of disagreement in moral philosophy. Whether these many apparent AND , in general, have good lives. It's possible they'll be miserable.
O/Ws Objectivity – body count is the most objective way to calculate impacts because arbitrary evlauations of moral worth is unethical
2~ Intentions and procedural moral obligations don't link since they are agent-specific and don't deny the thesis of util.
3~ We derive offense by evaluating the utility of a certain action which is sufficient to prove that certain action is a posteriori unethical.
4~ Ethical goodness should be evaluated through probability – if there's a great chance that something is bad then good then you'd intuitively prefer the judgement with a higher probability of being true.
Advocacy
I affirm Resolved: The appropriation of outer space by private entities is unjust.
Spec for enforcement and T
The aff identifies appropriation as unjust
Webster ND Definition of IS," Merriam Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/is IS is Definition of is (Entry 1 of 4) present tense third-person singular of BE dialectal present tense first-person and third-person singular of BE dialectal present tense plural of BE
"BE" is a linking verb, not an action verb so cps and pics are incoherent
Williams 20 ~(Matt Williams, Reporter) "Trump signs an executive order allowing mining the moon and asteroids," Phys Org, April 13, 2020, https://phys.org/news/2020-04-trump-moon-asteroids.html~~ TDI Trump signs an executive order allowing mining the moon and asteroids In 2015, AND debate that began with the signing of the Outer Space Treaty in 1967.
AC – Debris Advantage
Asteroid mining spikes the risk of satellite-dust collisions
Scoles 15 ~(Sarah Scoles, freelance science writer, contributor at Wired and Popular Science, author of the books Making Contact and They Are Already Here) "Dust from asteroid mining spells danger for satellites," New Scientist, May 27, 2015, https://www.newscientist.com/article/mg22630235-100-dust-from-asteroid-mining-spells-danger-for-satellites/~~ TDI Study this is citing – Javier Roa, Space Dynamic Group, Applied Physics Department AND 30 per cent (arxiv.org/abs/1505.03800).
Space dust wrecks satellites and debris exponentially spirals
Intagliata 17 ~(Christopher Intagliata, MA Journalism from NYU, Editor for NPRs All Things Considered, Reporter/Host for Scientific American's 60 Second Science) "The Sneaky Danger of Space Dust," Scientific American, May 11, 2017, https://www.scientificamerican.com/podcast/episode/the-sneaky-danger-of-space-dust/~~ TDI When tiny particles of space debris slam into satellites, the collision could cause the emission of hardware-frying radiation, Christopher Intagliata reports. Aside from all the satellites, and the space station orbiting the Earth, there's a lot of trash circling the planet, too. Twenty-one thousand baseball-sized chunks of debris, according to NASA. But that number's dwarfed by the number of small particles. There's hundreds of millions of those. "And those smaller particles tend to be going fast. Think of picking up a grain of sand at the beach, and that would be on the large side. But they're going 60 kilometers per second." Sigrid Close, an applied physicist and astronautical engineer at Stanford University. Close says that whereas mechanical damage—like punctures—is the worry with the bigger chunks, the dust-sized stuff might leave more insidious, invisible marks on satellites—by causing electrical damage. "We also think this phenomenon can be attributed to some of the failures and anomalies we see on orbit, that right now are basically tagged as 'unknown cause.'" Close and her colleague Alex Fletcher modeled this phenomenon mathematically, based on plasma physics behavior. And here's what they think happens. First, the dust slams into the spacecraft. Incredibly fast. It vaporizes and ionizes a bit of the ship—and itself. Which generates a cloud of ions and electrons, traveling at different speeds. And then: "It's like a spring action, the electrons are pulled back to the ions, ions are being pushed ahead a little bit. And then the electrons overshoot the ions, so they oscillate, and then they go back out again." That movement of electrons creates a pulse of electromagnetic radiation, which Close says could be the culprit for some of that electrical damage to satellites. The study is in the journal Physics of Plasmas. ~Alex C. Fletcher and Sigrid Close, Particle-in-cell simulations of an RF emission mechanism associated with hypervelocity impact plasmas~
The best estimate is there are 210 million current alien civilizations
Lichfield 16 – Gideon Lichfield, Editor-in-Chief of MIT Technology Review, Senior Editor at Quartz, Fellow at the Data and Society Research Institute, MSc in the Philosophy of Science from the London School of Economics and Political Science, BSc in Physics and Philosophy from the University of Bristol, Former Adjunct Professor in the Global Journalism Program at New York University, "There Have Probably Been Trillions Of Alien Civilizations, And Yet We May Still Never See One", Quartz, 6-11, https://qz.com/704687/there-have-probably-been-trillions-of-alien-civilizations-and-yet-we-may-still-never-see-one/ ~Paper internally quoted is by Adam Frank, Professor of Physics and Astronomy at the University of Rochester and Woodruff Sullivan, Professor of Astronomy and Astrobiology at the University of Washington~ Sorry, everybody. We're just not that special. In more than five decades of scanning the heavens, the search for extraterrestrial intelligence (SETI) has found no sign of alien life. Yet now two American astronomers, in the scientific equivalent of a back-of-the-envelope calculation, are estimating that over the course of its history the universe has seen at least half a trillion technologically advanced species. The paper in Astrobiology by Adam Frank and Woodruff Sullivan notes that, in just the last few years, we've gained a much clearer sense of how hospitable the universe is to life. NASA's Kepler space telescope has identified thousands of planets in our neighborhood of the galaxy, along with their sizes and distances from their stars. From there it's fairly easy to guess how many may hold liquid water, which is probably essential for complex life. In our Milky Way galaxy alone there are, by this estimate, some 60 billion such "habitable" planets, write Frank and Sullivan. The big remaining unknown is how many of these planets give rise to the kinds of lifeforms that build advanced technology (if nuclear weapons and Oculus Rifts can be called "advanced"). Since Earth is the only one we know of, the guesses vary wildly, but one such civilization per 10 billion habitable planets is generally considered "highly pessimistic," wrote Frank in the New York Times yesterday (paywall). In astronomy-speak, this means the figure could be 10, 100 or even 1,000 times too low. Using that "pessimistic" proportion, and other numbers from Frank and Sullivan's paper, I calculated how many alien civilizations should have emerged within various subregions of the universe during its history:
Remember, 420 billion intelligent civilizations is the "pessimistic" estimate. But sadly—or happily, depending on your view of aliens—it doesn't make us any less alone. Though Frank and Sullivan wisely avoid putting a number on how many alien species are knocking around right now, we can do our own back-of-the-envelope reckoning. A crucial unknown factor is how long a technologically advanced civilization lasts before either going extinct or blasting itself back to the stone age. Judging by the past century of human history, even a thousand years might be optimistic. But let's be really optimistic and call it a million years. That's the average lifespan of a mammalian species that doesn't invent the means of its own destruction. I'm also going to assume that, though the universe is 13.8 billion years old, advanced species didn't begin to appear until a couple of billion years ago. It took most of the universe's history to form the kinds of planets, rich in heavier elements, on which creatures like us could evolve. So if there have been 420 billion civilizations in the past 2 billion years, each one lasting a million years, then on average, about 210 million of them have existed simultaneously at any given moment. Update: Seth Shostak, senior astronomer at the SETI Institute, has responded to this article saying that "many have guessed" that one in a million habitable worlds would produce advanced intelligence, rather than one in 10 billion. If so, and sticking to the other assumptions, there'd a good chance of at least one other civilization in our own galaxy existing at the same time as ours, meaning it would much closer, and thus more plausibly detectable.
Earth observation satellites key to warming adaptation
Alonso 18 ~(Elisa Jiménez Alonso, communications consultant with Acclimatise, climate resilience organization) "Earth Observation of Increasing Importance for Climate Change Adaptation," Acclimatise, May 2, 2018, https://www.acclimatise.uk.com/2018/05/02/earth-observation-of-increasing-importance-for-climate-change-adaptation/~~ TDI Earth observation (EO) satellites are playing an increasingly important role in assessing climate change. By providing a constant and consistent stream of data about the state of the climate, EO is not just improving scientific outcomes but can also inform climate policy. Managing climate-related risks effectively requires accurate, robust, sustained, and wide-ranging climate information. Reliable observational climate data can help scientists test the accuracy of their models and improve the science of attributing certain events to climate change. Information based on projections from models and historic data can help decision makers plan and implement adaptation actions. Providing information in data-sparse regions Ground-based weather and climate monitoring systems only cover about 30 of the Earth's surface. In many parts of the world such data is incomplete and patchy due to poorly maintained weather stations and a general lack of such facilities. EO satellites and rapidly improving satellite technology, especially data from open access programmes, offer a valuable source information for such data-sparse regions. This is especially important since countries and regions with a lack of climate data are often particularly vulnerable to climate change impacts. International efforts for systematic observation The importance of satellite-based observations is also recognised by the international community. Following the recommendations of the World Meteorological Organization's (WMO) Global Climate Observing System (GCOS) programme, the UNFCCC strongly encourages countries that support space agencies with EO programmes to get involved in GCOS and support the programme's implementation. The Paris Agreement highlights the need for and importance of effective and progressive responses to the threat of climate change based on the best available scientific knowledge. This implies that climate knowledge needs to be strengthened, which includes continuously improving systematic observations of the Earth's climate. To meet the need of such systematic climate observations, GCOS developed the concept of the Essential Climate Variable, or ECV. According to WMO, an ECV "is a physical, chemical or biological variable or a group of linked variables that critically contributes to the characterization of Earth' s climate." In 2010, 50 ECVs which would help the work of the UNFCCC and IPCC were defined by GCOS. The ECVs, which can be seen below, were identified due to their relevance for characterising the climate system and its changes, the technical feasibility of observing or deriving them on a global scale, and their cost effectiveness. The 50 Essential Climate Variables as defined by GCOS. One effort supporting the systemic observation of the climate is the European Space Agency's (ESA) Climate Change Initiative (CCI). The programme taps into its own and its member countries' EO archives that have been established in the last three decades in order to provide a timely and adequate contribution to the ECV databases required by the UNFCCC. Robust evidence supporting climate risk management Earth observation satellites can observe the entire Earth on a daily basis (polar orbiting satellites) or continuously monitor the disk of Earth below them (geostationary satellites) maintaining a constant watch of the entire globe. Sensors can target any point on Earth even the most remote and inhospitable areas which helps monitor deforestation in vast tropical forests and the melting of the ice caps. Without insights offered by EO satellites there would not be enough evidence for decision makers to base their climate policies on, increasing the risk of maladaptation. Robust EO data is an invaluable resource for collecting climate information that can inform climate risk management and make it more effective.
Warming causes extinction
Klein 14~(Naomi Klein, award-winning journalist, syndicated columnist, former Miliband Fellow at the London School of Economics, member of the board of directors of 350.org), This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. the Climate, pp. 12-14~ In a 2012 report, the World Bank laid out the gamble implied by that target. "As global warming approaches and exceeds 2-degrees Celsius, there is a risk of triggering nonlinear tipping elements. Examples include the disintegration of the West Antarctic ice sheet leading to more rapid sea-level rise, or large-scale Amazon dieback drastically affecting ecosystems, rivers, agriculture, energy production, and livelihoods. This would further add to 21st-century global warming and impact entire continents." In other words, once we allow temperatures to climb past a certain point, where the mercury stops is not in our control. But the bigger problem—and the reason Copenhagen caused such great despair—is that because governments did not agree to binding targets, they are free to pretty much ignore their commitments. Which is precisely what is happening. Indeed, emissions are rising so rapidly that unless something radical changes within our economic structure, 2 degrees now looks like a utopian dream. And it's not just environmentalists who are raising the alarm. The World Bank also warned when it released its report that "we're on track to a 4-C warmer world ~by century's end~ marked by extreme heat waves, declining global food stocks, loss of ecosystems and biodiversity, and life-threatening sea level rise." And the report cautioned that, "there is also no certainty that adaptation to a 4-C world is possible." Kevin Anderson, former director (now deputy director) of the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change, which has quickly established itself as one of the U.K's premier climate research institutions, is even blunter; he says 4 degrees Celsius warming—7.2 degrees Fahrenheit—is "incompatible with an organized, equitable, and civilized global community." We don't know exactly what a 4 degree Celsius world would look like, but even the best-case scenario is likely to be calamitous. Four degrees of warming could raise global sea levels by 1 or possibly even 2 meters by 2100 (and would lock in at least a few additional meters over future centuries). This would drown some island nations such as the Maldives and Tuvalu, and inundate many coastal areas from Ecuador and Brazil to the Netherlands to much of California and the northeastern United States as well as huge swaths of South and Southeast Asia. Major cities likely in jeopardy include Boston, New York, greater Los Angeles, Vancouver, London, Mumbai, Hong Kong, and Shanghai. Meanwhile, brutal heat waves that can kill tens of thousands of people, even in wealthy countries, would become entirely unremarkable summer events on every continent but Antarctica. The heat would also cause staple crops to suffer dramatic yield losses across the globe (it is possible that Indian wheat and U.S. could plummet by as much as 60 percent), this at a time when demand will be surging due to population growth and a growing demand for meat. And since crops will be facing not just heat stress but also extreme events such as wide-ranging droughts, flooding, or pest outbreaks, the losses could easily turn out to be more severe than the models have predicted. When you add ruinous hurricanes, raging wildfires, fisheries collapses, widespread disruptions to water supplies, extinctions, and globe-trotting diseases to the mix, it indeed becomes difficult to imagine that a peaceful, ordered society could be sustained (that is, where such a thing exists in the first place). And keep in mind that these are the optimistic scenarios in which warming is more or less stabilized at 4 degrees Celsius and does not trigger tipping points beyond which runaway warming would occur. Based on the latest modeling, it is becoming safer to assume that 4 degrees could bring about a number of extremely dangerous feedback loops—an Arctic that is regularly ice-free in September, for instance, or, according to one recent study, global vegetation that is too saturated to act as a reliable "sink", leading to more carbon being emitted rather than stored. Once this happens, any hope of predicting impacts pretty much goes out the window. And this process may be starting sooner than anyone predicted. In May 2014, NASA and the University of California, Irvine scientists revealed that glacier melt in a section of West Antarctica roughly the size of France now "appears unstoppable." This likely spells down for the entire West Antarctic ice sheet, which according to lead study author Eric Rignot "comes with a sea level rise between three and five metres. Such an event will displace millions of people worldwide." The disintegration, however, could unfold over centuries and there is still time for emission reductions to slow down the process and prevent the worst. Much more frightening than any of this is the fact that plenty of mainstream analysts think that on our current emissions trajectory, we are headed for even more than 4 degrees of warming. In 2011, the usually staid International Energy Agency (IEA) issued a report predicting that we are actually on track for 6 degrees Celsius—10.8 degrees Fahrenheit—of warming. And as the IEA's chief economist put it: "Everybody, even the school children, knows that this will have catastrophic implications for all of us." (The evidence indicates that 6 degrees of warming is likely to set in motion several major tipping points—not only slower ones such as the aforementioned breakdown of the West Antarctic ice sheet, but possibly more abrupt ones, like massive releases of methane from Arctic permafrost.) The accounting giant PricewaterhouseCoopers as also published a report warning businesses that we are headed for "4-C , or even 6-C" of warming. These various projections are the equivalent of every alarm in your house going off simultaneously. And then every alarm on your street going off as well, one by one by one. They mean, quite simply, that climate change has become an existential crisis for the human species. The only historical precedent for a crisis of this depth and scale was the Cold War fear that we were headed toward nuclear holocaust, which would have made much of the planet uninhabitable. But that was (and remains) a threat; a slim possibility, should geopolitics spiral out of control. The vast majority of nuclear scientists never told us that we were almost certainly going to put our civilization in peril if we kept going about our daily lives as usual, doing exactly what we were already going, which is what climate scientists have been telling us for years. As the Ohio State University climatologist Lonnie G. Thompson, a world-renowned specialist on glacier melt, explained in 2010, "Climatologists, like other scientists, tend to be a stolid group. We are not given to theatrical rantings about falling skies. Most of us are far more comfortable in our laboratories or gathering data in the field than we are giving interviews to journalists or speaking before Congressional committees. When then are climatologists speaking out about the dangers of global warming? The answer is that virtually all of us are now convinced that global warming poses a clear and present danger to civilization."
Underview
1AR theory is legit – anything else means infinite abuse
– drop the debater – 1AR is too short to make up for the time trade-off
– no RVIs – 6 min 2NR means they can brute force me every time
– competing interps – reasonability narrows the theory debate to one issue of brightline, making it easy for the Neg to collapse to the issue in the long 2NR
3~ Permissibility and presumption affirm
A~ Statements are true before false since if I told you my name, you'd believe me.
B~ Epistemics – we wouldn't be able to start a strand of reasoning since we'd have to question that reason.
C~ Illogical – presuming statements false is illogical since you can't say things like P and ~P are both wrong.
D~ Presuming obligations is logically safer since it's better to be supererogatory than fail to meet an obligation.
E~ Presuming statements false is impossible since we can't operate in a world where we don't trust anything.
F~ To negate means to deny the truth of, which means if there isn't offense to deny the truth of you should affirm.
G~ Otherwise we'd have to have a proactive justification to do things like drink water.
H~ If anything is permissible, then definitionally so is the aff since there is nothing that prevents us from doing it.
I~ Negation Theory- Negating requires a complete absence of an existing obligation
Shah 19, ~Shah, Sachin. "A STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF SIDE-BIAS ON THE 2019 JANUARY-FEBRUARY LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE TOPIC." NSD Update, National Symposium of Debate, 16 Feb. 2019, http://nsdupdate.com/2019/a-statistical-analysis-of-side-bias-on-the-2019-january-february-lincoln-douglas-debate-topic/ ~LHPSS accessed 9/4/19 As a final note, it is also interesting to look at the trend over multiple topics. In the rounds from 93 TOC bid distributing tournaments (2017 – 2019 YTD), the negative won 52.99 of ballots (p-value 0.0001) and 54.63 of upset rounds (p-value 0.0001). This suggests the bias might be structural, and not topic specific, as this data spans six different topics.
Race War Procedural
Debate is in the midst of a race-war – practices like the PRL attempt to exclude black thought, debaters calling the cops on debaters for playing music too loud, and the criminalizing of identity teams as cheaters – proves that debate is no longer a safe space.
Interp: Non-Black Debaters must disclose on the NDCA LD Wiki their orientation to the ongoing race war and defend a set of actions they can be held accountable for in such.
Ill insert a screen shot of my wiki of an example
Violation: They didn't – Screenshot on doc
That's a Voter:
a.~ Naturalization – Absent taking a clear public stance, the ongoing violence becomes invisiblized – its especially important at the first tournament of the TOC topic where thousands of other debaters are eagerly following on, scouting wiki's etc.
b.~ White Shiftiness – Speccing on your wiki before the round is important so that people can hold you to the standards you have set for yourself. Absent you disclosing before the round – you are able to make promises in bad faith and never be held accountable for said practices.
c.~ Labour – Waiting to talk about ongoing violence until black debaters bring it up – puts an artificial burden on labour upon them – this results in forms of battle fatigue and exhaustion that drains vitality – as non-black people the onus is on us to look around at the ongoing battle and take a clear stance.
d.~ Survival Tactics – Disclosing before the round – allows for debaters of color to navigate hostile spaces and prepare themselves for how to engage/who to trust – that remedies physical and psychic violence and helps create coalitional approaches to liberatory strategies.
12/19/21
4 - JF - Decolonial Disabled Cyborg
Tournament: Colleyville | Round: 2 | Opponent: Plano East NK | Judge: Lucas Chan
AFF
Experiment 1 is The Cyborg
Our story starts at Rockland Institute in 1956, where Manfred Clynes met Nathan Kline, the director, where they both worked. Their meeting revealed a common interest in neurochemical antidepressants leading to horrific, nonconsensual human trials. Throughout the 60's, Rockland was reported for patient abuse, assault, malnourishment, and torture. While these atrocities didn't happen according to Kline and Clynes' direction, they did happen on their watch, and the culture of forcibly testing institutionalized patients was widespread in the U.S.
In September 1960, Clynes introduced the word "cyborg" in his newest publication "Cyborgs and Space". It's appearance in the journal, Astronautics marked the new era of cyber-eugenics. According to Clynes and Kline "The purpose of the Cyborg, as well as his own homeostatic systems, is to provide an organizational system in which such robot-like problems are taken care of automatically and unconsciously, leaving man free to explore, to create, to think, and to feel," Clynes and Kline wrote." The word, commonly understood as a unification of man and machine didn't mean less but more than human.
In the late 1960s, Clynes completed the Computer of Average Transients representing the first form of communication between machine and organic brain. A first step in the creation of the hybrid that would be able to withstand space travel. Madrigal writes…
They offered up this idea in the context of MAN IN SPACE, the grand scientific project of the 60s. "Space travel challenges mankind not only technologically but spiritually, in that it invites man to take an active part in his own biological evolution," the Astronautics paper began. "Scientific advances of the future may thus be utilized to permit man's existence in environments which differ radically from those provided by nature as we know it." They criticized the idea of creating human-ready environments up in space, arguing humans should adapt themselves to extraterrestrial conditions, whatever those might be. It's important to remember that they wrote all this stuff before Yuri Gagarin became the first man to travel in space. Quite honestly, we had no idea what space would do to our bodies over the long-haul, but space scientists were not shy about hazarding and testing hypotheses. In the decade after Clynes paper, NASA scientists would publish hundreds of paper about the human body's physiology. New biological data poured in from the space program. The literature was a non- medical kind of applied physiology and it seemed largely concerned with how the healthy body handled extremes. Papers like "Human Tolerance to Rapidly Applied Accelerations: A Summary of the Literature" were the norm. Under those circumstances, the body's natural control systems became fascinating and bizarre because you find where they fail. Sure, you can maintain consciousness standing still or running, but how about being hurtled through the atmosphere at 1,000 miles per hour? So NASA came up with answers. The human body could take 45 Gs for about 0.044 seconds without being debilitated. You could build a curve of G-force and time and figure out the body's limits, when it lost control. But Clynes was never interested solely in helping the body maintain stasis. His work was more expansive and concentrated on the relationship between the brain and the world. Threaded through his career, Clynes has wanted to allow humans to communicate without words. In art and in science, he sought ways to escape the messiness and ambiguity of language. Born in Vienna in 1925, Clynes was a lifelong classical musician. Through his violin, he found that he didn't need to talk to transmit and receive emotion. "Music dispenses with the words entirely with good reason. It's richer than the words and more definite," Clynes said. "Music is not vague as some people think, the more precisely you phrase the music, the more clear is the meaning.... That is the emotional language of music." Perhaps that's why Clynes got into the study of recording the brain's electrical impulses. He sought a more definite way of knowing the mind. Early electroencephalographs could record the brain, but we couldn't make much sense of it. The brain turned out to be very noisy. When you shined a light at someone or gave them a little electrical shock, it was hard to tell what effect that actually had in their neurons. So, Clynes created a machine called the Computer of Average Transients. It was a kind of noise canceling machine. "It was a way of finding the needle in the haystack," he said. "Let's say you had a light stimulus of a certain color and you wanted to see the influence of looking at that color had on the electrical activity of the brain. You presented the color a few times and averaged the result." We can think of Clynes' work with the C.A.T. as the first step on the way to the Cyborg. If you could figure out stimulus in, reaction out — you could develop a functioning communication system without truly knowing the inner workings of the brain's machinery. The study of what we now know as "evoked potentials" began with the C.A.T. And it was used by thousands of researchers in different fields. "For example, hearing was tested that way to see if people were deaf," Clynes recalled. "It was the most effective way of doing that without having to ask someone." Because asking someone was imprecise. Words were narrow tubes through which we tried to squeeze too much, everything. "Wittgenstein, the German philosopher, said we are bewitched by words — hexed, as he put it in German — by words," Clynes said during our conversation. "Even though we don't know what we're saying half the time." The same might have been true with the brain's messy firing, but the C.A.T. machine could average them to find which half of the electrical impulses were noise. Words have no averages. And yet words are the way we share information. They are how we know each other and the world. We can't escape them. Clynes, though, keeps trying. In our conversation, he related a new idea he had that would allow us to use our brains to directly interact with machines and the world. All of the movements we consciously control are tied into the brain by neural feedback. When you move your finger, your muscles send a response to your brain that says, "Yup, moved my finger," Clynes said. "That's true of all the standard movements except for one. What is that one?" he asked, pausing for effect. "The control of the lens in our eyes. All we have to do is think of a certain thing we want to see clearly at a distance or close by and automatically the muscles that adjust the curvature of the lens respond to this thought, and there is no feedback. There is no feedback. You have no knowledge of what your lens did. You know what you see of course, but that's different. There is no muscular feedback from those muscles that activate the curvature of the lens." Clynes grew more excited. "The lens is not in any way part of the body except that it happens to be there. In fact, it has no normal blood supply. It does have liquid surrounding it, but there is no blood supply because if you had blood going through the lens, you wouldn't see too well," he explained. "Nature has taken care of it. The biological control and invention of the lens is a beautiful and fantastic thing." The lens, basically, is already a cyborg implant we all have and can control precisely without the kinesthetic feedback we get from the rest of our body. Clynes believes that it is the perfect way to control objects with our brains. If we could tap the system that controls the lens to control something else, it would be "the nearest thing to telekinesis," as Clynes put it.
Experiment 2 is the Eugenics Project
As humans attempt to transgress their limitations in a future filled with the possible cataclysms of space travel, climate change and nuke war, they erase awareness of biotechnological ties to eugenics… The history of biotechnological intervention on the human body has always been tied to conceptual frameworks of disability and mental health, but certain biases and assumptions have forcibly altered and erased the public awareness of that understanding. As humans move into a future of climate catastrophe, space travel, and constantly shifting understandings of our place in the world, we will be increasingly confronted with concerns over who will be used as research subjects, concerns over whose stakeholder positions will be acknowledged and preferenced, and concerns over the kinds of changes that human bodies will necessarily undergo as they adapt to their changing environments, be they terrestrial or interstellar. Who will be tested, and how, so that we can better understand what kinds of bodyminds will be "suitable" for our future modes of existence?~1~ How will we test the effects of conditions like pregnancy and hormone replacement therapy (HRT) in space, and what will happen to our bodies and minds after extended exposure to low light, zero gravity, high-radiation environments, or the increasing warmth and wetness of our home planet?
In June 2018, an event was held at the Library of Congress in Washington, DC called "Decolonizing Mars" where attendees discussed whether disabled folx might be better suited for space life... "During the June 2018 "Decolonizing Mars" event at the Library of Congress in Washington, DC, several attendees discussed the fact that the bodyminds of disabled folx might be better suited to space life, already being oriented to pushing off of surfaces and orienting themselves to the world in different ways, and that the integration of body and technology wouldn't be anything new for many people with disabilities. In that context, I submit that cyborgs and space travel are, always have been, and will continue to be about disability and marginalization, but that Western society's relationship to disabled people has created a situation in which many people do everything they can to conceal that fact from the popular historical narratives about what it means for humans to live and explore. In order to survive and thrive, into the future, humanity will have to carefully and intentionally take this history up, again, and consider the present-day lived experience of those beings—human and otherwise—whose lives are and have been most impacted by the socioethical contexts in which we talk about technology and space."
On April 12, 1961, the first man to enter space transformed the concept of the Cyborg. Williams explains that as ...
"But as the Space Race wore on, and more and more humans actually went into space, there was an increasingly smaller focus on the alterations and adaptations that would be necessary to survive in space, and greater public emphasis placed on a narrative of the triumphalism of the human will and ingenuity. The narrative regarding humans in space became primarily about those who had "the right stuff," rather than a question of what we would have to do in order to adapt and thrive, and so the image of the cyborg fell away and was altered. And a whole suite of possibilities for how we might have understood—and treated—different kinds of embodiment altered, along with it."
The process of determining who is and is not capable of entering space is a racist eugenic project that has littered history with disabled people who haunt the very nature of the astronaut.
Williams 19 ~Williams, Damien P., Heavenly Bodies: Why It Matters That Cyborgs Have Always Been About Disability, Mental Health, and Marginalization (June 8, 2019). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3401342 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3401342~~//Lex VM Throughout the long history of eugenics in the United States, ideas about what constitutes AND why that is, and many implications for what it's come to mean.
Experiment 3 is the Astronaut
Thus I affirm: Resolved: The appropriation of outer space by private entities is unjust.
The modern space race shifted from being between US and the Soviet Union to being between private companies spearheading tech advances.
In February 13, 2017: Elon musk made a predictive claim about the seamless integration of human and cybernetics in order to keep up with AI advancements.
In May 2020, Elon Musk released a new line of space suits that are equipped with new transhumanist tools that ensure survival. The spectacularized release led to the costume resembling Superman, X-Men and the Fantastic Four – all beings who are beyond human.
Experiment 4 is the Transformation
This conception of the cyborg erases marginalized experiences which are key -
Williams 19 ~Williams, Damien P., Heavenly Bodies: Why It Matters That Cyborgs Have Always Been About Disability, Mental Health, and Marginalization (June 8, 2019). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3401342 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3401342~~//Lex VM Shew's paper "Up-Standing, Norms, Technology, and Disability" explores AND and maintenance, to get there. And they exist in many cultures.
Trying to fit in drives ableism i.e. trying to hide your disability from the world – rather we should embrace incompleteness – disabled experiences are good especially since humans become disabled in space.
Williams 19 ~Williams, Damien P., Heavenly Bodies: Why It Matters That Cyborgs Have Always Been About Disability, Mental Health, and Marginalization (June 8, 2019). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3401342 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3401342~~//Lex VM In a cultural sense, the desires to either fit in or to use technology AND trends that have led us here will take a great deal of work.
intersectional analysis is good for historical accuracy and holistical views of subjects – looking towards history rather than the future reveals structural problems in society and ruptures current understsandings of things like cyborg.
Williams 19 ~Williams, Damien P., Heavenly Bodies: Why It Matters That Cyborgs Have Always Been About Disability, Mental Health, and Marginalization (June 8, 2019). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3401342 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3401342~~//Lex VM Again, there are multiple sites of marginalization which can be demonstrated as having a AND and its effects and implications run rampant throughout every facet of our society.
Redefine the cyborg as a relational tool that lets us see the world in a different way - Assumptions will pervade and control the direction of scientific creations – its not about creating a perfect human its about addressing the experiences against disabled folx
Williams 19 ~Williams, Damien P., Heavenly Bodies: Why It Matters That Cyborgs Have Always Been About Disability, Mental Health, and Marginalization (June 8, 2019). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3401342 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3401342~~//Lex VM If humans do manage a future in which they travel into and live in space AND a new relational mode with ourselves, our society, and our world.
Space policy is a pretext for installing a universal security system of planetary control whose aim is the annihilation of all global stakes – the 1AC is the satellization of the planet, a subordination of nation-states, the market, and space itself to the consensual conspiracy of ubiquitous surveillance – their conflict scenarios cling to the illusion of war-as-fighting and thus conceal that the total liquidation of Otherness is the objective for all parties in the space race
Dickens and Ormrod 16 (Peter Dickens, Senior Research Associate in the Department of Sociology at the University of Cambridge, member of the Red-Green Study Group in London, James S Ormrod, Principal Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Brighton, 2016, "Introduction: The Production of Outer Space" in The Palgrave Handbook of Society, Culture and Outer Space, pp 5-6, footnote 4 included in curly braces) gz An argument can be made that 'the space race' – as a material technological AND most significant (see, for example, Baran and Sweezy, 1966).
Modern peace is reactive nihilism, a will to total utility that characterizes the life-denying fascism of the dilemma of space policy: to influence or retreat: the will to sublimate violence, contain it within the state, is a repressive move that guarantees ever increasing cycles of violence, vote aff to let the order bleed, let there be excess
Hamblet 2005 Wendy, Pvh.D. Department of Philosophy, Adelphi University "The Manic Ecstasy of War." Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice, 17:39–45 Eli Sagan's At the Dawn of Tyranny posits the advent of civilization as coincidental with AND those states whose wars are utterly utilitarian, self-annihilation is imminent.
In response, the affirmative refuses to cohere the impossible existence to begin with –– a dwelling within negative affect and a refusal of interpellation and consumption within the sphere of capital, one that offers a symbolic counter-gift of negative affect to the system – its the only radical act left.
Liu 17 ~Wen Liu, "Cruising Borders, Unsettling Identities: Toward a Queer Diasporic Asian America", 2017, http://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2017~~ However, these losses documented in the psychological framework are only quantifiable when the queer AND they negotiate these multiple spaces of loss and grief as queer Asian subject?
Debate is an able-normative network of cybernetic visualization, nourished by its pursuit of white capitalist pathologies. As the very stasis and ground for our positions are preconfigured by logistical control, the unrepresentability of environmental destruction and intra-communal racism are lost to the increasing bankruptcy of sign function, over-coded by technical decisions and procedural fairness
Beller 18 ~Jonathan Beller, 2018, The Message is Murder: Substrates of Computational Capital, Part 2, Published by Pluto Press, p. 116-121~ Ronak The automation of what I will refer to here as the pathologistics of attention can AND computational capital—in as much as it is verifiably present at all.
The will to knowledge is the will to order life into expected roles and identity categories, permitting endless xenophobia as statistical loss disrupts the smooth flow of imperialist knowledge production. Communication necessitates a vulnerability to difference which can only be found in excess.
Barbour 13. Charles "The sovereign without domain: Georges Bataille and the ethics of nothing," The Politics of Nothing: On Sovereignty, ed. Clare Monagle and Dimitris Vardoulakis, Culture, Theory and Critique, Vol. 51, Issue 2, Routledge 2013, p. 46-47 It remains to be explained what any of this could have to do with ethics AND a living example, rather than a mummified representation, of the sovereign act
1/18/22
4 - JF - Racial Cap AC
Tournament: Lexington | Round: 4 | Opponent: Roberto Sosa | Judge: Anthony Survance The space race is deeply entangled with the development of carcerality, funded through wealth extracted from black communities through policing and exploitative labor. The use of space as a symbol of progress obfuscated racial divisions and cohered an ideological understanding of white upward mobility and black immobility. Loyd 15. Jenna M. 2015. "Whitey on the Moon: Space, Race, and the Crisis of Black Mobility." In Montegary, Liz and Melissa White, eds. Mobile Desires: The Politics and Erotics of Mobility Justice. Palgrave Pivot, 41-52. But Watts is a country which lies, psychologically, uncounted miles further than most whites seem at present willing to travel. (Pynchon, 1966) From the days of chattel slavery until today, the concept of travel has been inseparably linked in the minds of our people with the concept of freedom. (Robeson, 1988, original emphasis) In the 1960 presidential election, candidate John F. Kennedy invoked moon exploration to displace the salience of religious division by focusing on unifying issues, including the spread of Communism that was ‘festering only 90 miles from the coast of Florida’ and crises in family farms, hunger, and unaffordable medical care that ‘know no religious barrier.’ The real problem was ‘an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.’ This listing of ‘real issues which should decide this campaign’ suggested urgent, yet equally solvable, concerns. The space race ratified a national challenge, suggesting that returning the gaze from this ‘new frontier’ to domestic problems was the next step for technoscientific progress. When Dr Martin Luther King spoke of the moon in 1967, he was a world away from Kennedy’s Cold War hopefulness (Jordan, 2003). He delivered his final speech, ‘Where Do We Go From Here?: Chaos or Community?’, to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) on the ten-year anniversary of the organization’s formation following the Montgomery bus boycott. Despite the gains of the civil rights move- ment, King concluded, ‘the Negro still lives in the basement of the Great Society.’ He went on to question the consonance between scientific and social progress that had seemed so central to Kennedy’s understanding of the nation: Today our exploration of space is engaging not only our enthusiasm but our patriotism.... No such fervor or exhilaration attends the war on poverty.... Without denying the value of scientific endeavor, there is a striking absurdity in committing billions to reach the moon where no people live, while only a fraction of that amount is appropriated to service the densely populated slums. If these strange views persist, in a few years we can be assured that when we set a man on the moon, with an adequate telescope he will be able to see the slums on earth with their intensified congestion, decay and turbulence. King concluded his remarks by asking: ‘On what scale of values is this a program of progress?’ (King, as cited in Gilroy, 1991 1987, pp. 345–346). Spectacular Cold War images of space travel drew on and renovated a constellation of meanings associated with mobility that inform US national identity, including celebratory narratives of continental exploration, limitless possibility, and freedom. Kennedy did not see any conflict between mastering space travel and meeting domestic needs – each a concrete signification of American capitalist providence in the Cold War period. King’s speech marks both of these registers. His imagined telescopic view of the earth traverses an expansive scale of human possi- bility, but under Pax Americana, King finds that ‘common humanity’ is an ideological vision papering over the reality of grave economic and racial divisions. Even before a man (much less The Man) was on the moon, liberal and radical social critics alike were deploying a rhetorical device I call lunar criticism – ‘If we can put a man on the moon, we can do X, Y, or Z’ – to question US national priorities and narratives of progress. Liberal iterations of lunar criticism suggested that the gap between promise and practice could be bridged as part of fulfilling the national creed. Radical social critics argued that what appeared to be an incidental gap was in fact a racialized conflict. Reaching the moon began to look less like a virtuous American project than a white American project that furthered Black economic exploitation and abandonment. The space race as a spectacle of freedom and (white) upward mobility must be held in tension with the deepening ‘urban crisis’ (Beauregard, 2003). As both a powerful discourse and material geography, the urban crisis was constituted through Cold War investments in suburban housing, freeways, and defense industry construction, relative disinvestment in central cities, and through militarized, counter-insurgency responses to the urban unrest of the 1960s (Loyd, 2014). Yet, the interrelations between these spaces have been obscured through enduring spectacular productions of capitalist suburban hyper-mobility and ‘ghetto’ immobilization and backwardness (Siddiqi, 2010). As novelist Thomas Pynchon dissected, ‘Watts’ was another country to white Americans, represent- ing a psychological distance that white Americans were disinclined to travel. This chapter situates radical iterations of lunar criticism within the context of urban crisis and on the cusp of what Jodi Melamed, following Howard Winant, calls the post-World War II ‘racial break’ after which ‘state-recognized US antiracisms replaced white supremacy as the chief ideological mode for making the inequalities that global capitalism generated appear necessary, natural, or fair’ (Melamed, 2011, p. xvi). By contrast, race-radical antiracisms ‘have made visible the continued racialized historical development of capitalism and have persistently foregrounded antiracist visions incompatible with liberal political solutions to destructively uneven global social-material relations’ (p. xvii). In the spectacular treatment of urban uprisings, the space called the ‘ghetto’ ideologically and tactically cohered the problems of urban crisis, which were actually metropolitan (urban-suburban) in form and imperial in process. To develop this argument, I analyze the work of Gil Scott-Heron whose poetry, songs, and writing exemplify the race-radical tradition. His poem ‘Whitey on the Moon’ delivers a radical antiracist critique of the US space program that ties otherworldly investments to ongoing histories of Black forced im/mobility and immiseration. To that end, this essay responds to the call within the new mobilities scholar- ship to examine the ‘role of past mobilities in the present constitution of modern notions of security, identity and citizenship’ (Cresswell, 2012, p. 646). I begin by situating mobilities within post-war militarized spectacle and racial politics. I then move to an analysis of how race-radical lunar criticism grappled with the dialectics of urban crisis, which included the simultaneous deployment of rhetorics of mobility and new means of social control and state power. I conclude by exploring how Scott-Heron’s race-radical vision offers insights into contemporary mobilizations for mobility justice. Cold War spectacles of (upward) mobility What sort of national spectacle was the moon when King spoke? Spectacle tends to be understood as an ideological mask or distortion of reality, but Shiloh Krupar usefully conceptualizes spectacle as ‘a tactical ontology – meaning a truth-telling, world-making strategy’ (2013, p. 10). Indeed, in Blank Spots on the Map (2009), Trevor Paglen shows how NASA was the visible institutional face of an expansive and largely secret Cold War military geography. Krupar and Paglen show how US militarization has developed through institutional apparatuses and personnel that create a world of plausible appearances. Visuality and material landscapes are interconnected such that hypervisibility (that is, the space race) is a technological apparatus simultaneously creating unseen spaces of waste and sacrifice. Thus, spectacle is a tool of reification and division that works by disconnecting spaces and categories – delineating human from nature, valued from abjected – that are actually produced together. Caren Kaplan’s work on the visual logic of modern war-making connects such spectacles to the mobility of states and imperial citizens. Air power is an iteration of the cosmic view, a ‘unifying gaze of an omniscient viewer of the globe from a distance’ (Kaplan, 2006, p. 401). Kaplan ties this viewpoint – which claims universality, neutrality, and freedom ‘from bounded embeddedness on earth’ – to Euro-American colonization (Kaplan, 2006, p. 402; also see Cosgrove, 1994). Modern military ‘air power is seamlessly linked to the cosmic view through its requirements for a unified, universal map of the globe that places the home nation at the center on the ground and proposes an extension of this home to the space above it, limitlessly’ (Kaplan, 2006, p. 402). The upshot, according to Kaplan, is that the mobility of air power simultaneously produces an imagination of fixed sovereign territories. Indeed, for Kaplan, modern war is paradoxical in that it ‘requires the movements of large armies and instigates the mass displacement of refugees, yet it also polices borders and limits freedom of movement’ (p. 396). I take these theories of spectacle to suggest that the Cold War space race produced a modern, white, upwardly mobile subject that obscured the simultaneous co-production of an immobilized, unfree population confined to a knowable, tactical domestic space. That is, the militarization of the ‘cosmic view’ facilitates not only abstract targets of foreign war, but also targets of domestic state and state-sanctioned violence and confinement. The militarized logic of the ‘home front’ both coercively compels a patriotic citizen subject and obscures the racial, gender, class, and other social divides within the nation that belie the state’s claim to national unity (Lutz 2002; Young 2003; Loyd 2011). As the United States faced vulnerability to charges of racism during the Cold War, a cultural project of racial liberalism enabling mobility of the US empire would simultaneously entail efforts to confine Black mobility and dissident thought. For example, Rachel Buff (2008) shows how the US government deployed the terror of deportation as a means of disrupting political organizing. In the immediate post-World War II era, both W. E. B. Du Bois and Paul Robeson were barred from foreign travel for their views on peace, nuclear abolition, and decolonization (Kinchy, 2009; Robeson, 1988). The experience, no doubt, contributed to the observation that the Robeson epigraph makes on the race-radical desire for free mobility. Race-radical lunar criticism The United States would not make its lunar touch down until 1969 (after Kennedy’s and King’s assassinations), but King found a moon landing a more plausible future than a Second Reconstruction. And it was more plausible. By the time of his speech, long, hot summers of urban uprisings punctured the image of freedom and opportunity that the United States projected around the world. Moreover, the War on Poverty, while less than three years old, was virtually dead letter. The 1966 midterm elections ushered in legislators who claimed a mandate to terminate the War on Poverty and urban social investments. The ‘great rat debate’ of 1967 captured the level of political polarization as Congress quibbled over a miserly sum of ‘no more than $16.5 million to combat rodent infestations in ghetto neighborhoods.’ A year later, the Los Angeles Times observed, ‘rats are still coexisting with the poor as comfortably as ever’ (Abramson, 1968). It is within this context that Gil Scott-Heron’s ‘Whitey on the Moon’ makes landing in 1970 on his first album, Small Talk at 125th and Lennox. The poem’s narrative arc is wryly humorous and brief, delivered in less than two minutes, with a simple drum accompaniment common in street poetry. Scott-Heron tells the story of sister Nell, who has been attacked by a rat even as Neil Armstrong lands on the moon: A rat done bit my sister Nell with Whitey on the moon. Her face and arms began to swell and Whitey’s on the moon. I can’t pay no doctor bills, but Whitey’s on the moon. Ten years from now I’ll be payin’ still while Whitey’s on the moon. Debts for Nell’s medical treatment, which would not have been incurred were there basic tenant rights and public health investments, will extend into the foreseeable future as costs for rent, food, and taxes will continue to rise to pay for the voyage. The final line of the song offers a sardonic resolution to the outlandish situation. When the next doctor bills arrive, he will forward them ‘air mail special to Whitey on the moon.’ Marvin Gaye’s 1971 song ‘Inner City Blues (Make Me Wanna Holler)’ likewise links high taxes and inflation to an imperial project that results in the devastation of Black lives: ‘Markets, moon shots, spend it on the have-nots/Money, we make it, ‘fore we see it, you take it.’ Scott-Heron and Gaye flip racist narratives of the welfare queen as responsible for poverty, naming instead state neglect and the theft of Black wealth. Their songs reclaim the value being appropriated to a desirable national project that denies it rests on Black expropriation and death. In this reading, the moon counters temporalities and spatialities of racial liberalism that rendered white supremacy as historical and anachronistic by insisting that American white supremacy is part of the modern geopolitical order. Visual artist Faith Ringgold also depicted this reality in her 1969 paint- ing of an American flag entitled ‘Flag for the Moon: Die Nigger.’ The word ‘die’ reads across the block of stars in the flag’s upper left corner. The stripes of the flag are formed by elongated black letters aligned from the bottom to the top edge of the flag, spelling out the word ‘nigger’ between the customary 13 red stripes. The painting’s message is three-fold: the use of black paint in place of white draws attention to the negative space between the lines to illustrate the tense interrelation between the invis- ibility of white supremacy and Black people to the history of the United States. Ringgold indicts the act of placing the flag on the moon as sending a spectacular message underscoring the abandonment of Black needs. Yet, the painting’s reference to H. Rap Brown’s Die, Nigger, Die! suggests the immediate tension between structural racism and the possibility for liberatory Black politics and identity (Patton, 1998, p. 198). ‘Whitey on the Moon’ is often cited as an expression of afrofuturism, which Mark Dery defines as a genre of Black social thought concern- ing ‘culture, technology, and things to come’ (Dery, as cited in Nelson, 2002, p. 9). For Kodwo Eshun, afrofuturism provides a ‘resource for speculation’ that traces the ‘potentiality of space and distance within the high-pressure zone of perpetual racial hostility’ (Eshun, 2003, p. 299). He explains that afrofuturism ‘uses extraterrestriality as a hyper- bolic trope to explore the historical terms, the everyday implications of forcibly imposed dislocation, and the constitution of Black Atlantic subjectivities: from slave to negro to coloured...to black to African to African American’ (pp. 298–299). In an afrofuturist reading, radical lunar criticism uses the vast physi- cal distance of the earth to the moon to imagine alternative futures to the gaping racial divides in earthly living conditions and well-being. As Stevphen Shukaitis suggests, ‘the imaginal machine based around space imagery is made possible by its literal impossibility. In the sense that this possibility cannot be contained or limited, it becomes an assemblage for the grounding of a political reality that is not contained but opens up to other possible futures that are not foreclosed through their pre-given definition’ (2009, p.107). Given the coloniality of the cosmic view and the simultaneous construction of Black ‘placelessness and constraint’ (McKittrick, 2011, p. 948), I suggest that Scott-Heron’s lunar criticism is not so much concerned with the otherworldly as a space for imagining the earthly impossible, but for assembling earthly sites of decolonization and liberation. Scott-Heron’s race-radical critique explores what Katherine McKittrick calls ‘spaces of encounter that hold in them useful anticolonial practices and narratives’ (2011, p. 950). He offers a theory of militarized spectacle in which juxtaposition, or division, falls way to connection, to shared production. He shows how a landscape of rat-infested housing produces the man on the moon – through taxes and a vanishing horizon of medical debt – and names the spectacle obscuring this process ‘Whitey.’ In contrast to liberal iterations of lunar criticism, which suggested that solving poverty was possible within the terms of American capitalism, Scott-Heron linked American capitalism to the production of poverty, militarism, environmental devastation, and human abandonment. These themes found in ‘Whitey on the Moon’ are consistent across his work, and include persistent criticism of spectacular popular culture and consumerism, war and state violence (‘No Knock,’ ‘King Alfred’s Plan,’ ‘Did You Hear What They Said?,’ ‘H20 Gate Blues,’ ‘B Movie’), concern for children’s well being (‘Speed Kills,’ ‘Who Will Save the Children?’), the threat of nuclear destruction and climate change (‘We Almost Lost Detroit,’ ‘South Carolina (Barnwell),’ ‘Spacesong’), drugs and habituation to other people’s suffering (‘Billy Green Is Dead,’ ‘Angel Dust,’ ‘Home is Where the Hatred Is’), and structural unemployment (‘Who Will Pay Reparations on My Soul?’). Scott-Heron’s poems link histories of forced mobility to the development of blues consciousness and revolution, exemplifying what Clyde Woods (2000) calls a ‘blues epistemology.’ Indeed, Scott-Heron described himself as a ‘bluesologist’ (Ward, 2011), pursuing the science of the blues, offering a diagnostic that the ‘I ain’t got no money blues, I ain’t got no job blues, I ain’t got no woman blues’ are the same things (Mugge, 1982). For Woods, the blues ‘has been used repeatedly by multiple genera- tions of working-class African Americans to organize communities of consciousness....It was used to confront the daily efforts of plantation powers to erase African American leadership and the memory of social progress. ... The blues and its extensions are actively engaged in providing intellectually brutal confrontations with the “truths” of working-class African American life. It draws on African American musical practices, folklore, and spirituality to re-organize and give a new voice to working- class communities facing severe fragmentation’ (2005, p. 1008). The economic and racial forces of displacement and fragmentation were not distant from Scott-Heron. He was born in Chicago and spent much of his childhood living with his grandmother in the small town of Jackson, Tennessee. He saw the African American section of Jackson demolished to build the new highway between Memphis and Nashville before moving at the age of 13 with his mother to New York City (Scott- Heron, 2012). They first lived with his uncle in the Bronx and later in the Robert Fulton Houses in Chelsea. From there, he rode the subway for over an hour to Fieldston, a private high school in the Bronx. After his first year of college at Lincoln University in Oxford, Pennsylvania, which he chose to attend because Black writers and leaders such as Langston Hughes, Kwame Nkrumah, and Thurgood Marshall studied there, he took a leave of absence to complete his first novel, The Vulture. The book was published in 1970, the same year as his first album (and book of poetry), Small Talk at 125th and Lennox, which also debuted the well-known poem ‘The Revolution Will Not Be Televised.’ Scott-Heron’s blues offered an anticolonial vision of race-radical revo- lutionary consciousness, evident on the album From South Africa to South Carolina (1975), which ties together nuclear colonialism in South Carolina with apartheid in South Africa. Claudrena Harold (2011) observes that, ‘Scott-Heron’s descriptions of “down home” routinely moved beyond the geographical borders of the former Confederacy and into the transna- tional terrain commonly referred to as the Global South.’ ‘Delta Man,’ for example, traces the development of revolutionary consciousness along the sites of the plantation and Great Migration, from the Mississippi Delta during slavery, to Nebraska following the Civil War, and then to the inner city. The bridge between each of these places – ‘revolution outta be where I’m comin’ from’ – shuttles possibility between sites of forced mobility. The history lessons found in ‘Spacesong’ and ‘Who’ll Pay Reparations on My Soul?’, moreover, speak of white settler dispossession of Native inhabitants. Such an expansive internationalist, decolonial desire tempers the feeling of despair otherwise dominant in ‘Winter in America.’ The song was written in 1975 at a moment when the possibility of the Black freedom and peace movements had been betrayed, leaving ‘nobody fight- ing ‘cause nobody knows what to save.’ Within an internationalist blues epistemology, however, the hopeful suggestion is that spring can still be found in movements outside of the United States (Peddie, 2011, 122). Mobilizing urban crisis The militarization of the urban crisis was accompanied by an ideological project to enclose the racialized ‘Black ghetto’ as a place separate from modern white suburbia, reifying it as a space of dangerousness that may be subject legitimately to exceptional rules and abandoned. The great rat debate contributed to this ideological crystallization. Southern Democrats and Republican opponents of the bill used innuendo (‘rats of the two-legged variety’ and ‘rats of the four-legged variety’) to tie the bill to race and rioting in Newark (Strickland, 1969, p. 342). Another congressman mockingly referred to it as the ‘civil “rats” bill’ (McLaughlin, 2011, p. 542). ‘Whitey on the Moon,’ by turn, revealed the truth that state abandonment is not just an afterthought, but a productive absence directly abetted by state violence. In drawing together the exploration of the moon with the extraction of value from and suppression of Black freedom movements, race-radical lunar criticism rejected the bifurcated militarized spectacle of limitless space and anachronistic ghetto confinement. Indeed, Scott-Heron offers a documentary trace of the new ‘great confinement’ that was then in the making (de Giorgi, 2006). In ‘No Knock,’ Scott-Heron invites listeners to take an incredulous interpretation of new legislation that enabled the police to enter a dwelling without notice: Long rap about “No Knock” being legislated for the people you’ve always hated in this hell hole that you/we call home. “No Knock,” the Man will say to keep this man from beating his wife. “No Knock,” the Man will say to protect people from themselves. His poem ‘King Alfred’s Plan’ discusses a Nixon plan for preventive detention that would create a caged future in the absence of Black political unity. ‘Locked in cages, pens, hemmed in shoulder to shoulder arms outstretched for just a crust of bread...Let us unite out of love and not hate / Let us unite on our own and not because of barbed wire death.’ As race-radical lunar criticism illustrates, the material and ideological struggle over urban crisis constituted a space for grappling with intersecting structures of white racial rule and empire, namely whether and how they could be democratically reconstructed. This offers a cultural trace of the shift from military Keynesianism to post-Keynesian militarism that Ruth Wilson Gilmore (1998) names as the conjuncture for the sharp expansion of the carceral state. In contrast to the ‘symbiotic’ progression from ‘ghetto’ to prison confinement offered by Wacquant (2001), race-radical lunar criticism illustrates both the tremendous contests over shifting forms of unfreedom and their situatedness within a broader crisis of imperialism that anticolonial and ‘domestic’ freedom struggles provoked. The uneven geography that the warfare-welfare state produced was the grounds of struggle over the costs and harms of militarization. Investments in defense were widespread but concentrated in New South and New West sites in the so-called Sunbelt, what Markusen and colleagues (1991) dubbed the Gunbelt. This unevenness was not only regional, but also shaped patterns of development at the metropolitan scale (Loyd, 2014). This social and spatial struggle was deeply racialized and gendered. For this reason, it is misleading to interpret the space race as a form of militarization that uniformly trumps basic needs, as liberal versions of spending priorities suggest. Conflicts over who would pay for the costs of empire and militarization were mediated through strug- gles over racism that took a spectacular form, splitting inner city from suburb in ways that obscured the intersections among race, class, and gender. The Black welfare mother was enlisted as the spectacular figure of national disorder, even though most welfare recipients were white and most Great Society spending supported middle class suburban homes. Scott-Heron’s retort to this scapegoating restored the racial economic context within which Black families and communities struggled for freedom. Cross-class welfare rights and peace movements questioned military Keynesianism, meaning that they increasingly rejected the wages of empire and believed that a democratic reconstruction of US society was possible only by ending its wars. Conclusion: race-radical lunar criticism for the prison home front As a sublime symbol of progress, exploration, and national purpose, the moon represented a material symbol of upward mobility and possibility for the nation. The Cold War space race as spectacle cohered an ideological understanding of upward mobility and progress. This spectacle, moreover, was not simply a mode of visuality, but also built material spaces of the economically buoyant Sunbelt-Gunbelt and fostered confinement of Black central city spaces and dislocation of residents from industries being developed elsewhere. Urban crisis, then, was fundamentally a crisis over Black ‘upward’ mobility in terms of movement through space (that is, the Great Migration and moving beyond confines of racial ghettos) and claims to political power and presence in public spaces. Race-radical lunar criticism defied the Cold War spectacle that would split the world in two, the nation into Black and white, American or failed American, by illustrating the relationships between the ghetto and suburb, the ghetto and empire. Critical interpretations of the relationship between racialized poverty and wealth, as offered through Black lunar criticism, did not disappear, but were submerged within a discourse that naturalized Black confinement in ghetto and prison spaces while obscuring the consolidation of political and economic forces responsible for a new, multiscalar regime of mobility and immobility. The political and cultural contest over this lived and ideological space of urban crisis underscores the uncertain future of the prison resolution. With mass incarceration in question from the left and right, race-radical lunar criticism offers some guidance for understanding how the present crisis may be resolved in favor of mobility justice. Scott-Heron’s song ‘Alien (Hold Onto Your Dreams)’ criticizes divide and conquer tactics, and ties the trajectories of transnational Latino/a migrants to African American histories of forced mobility. Moreover, Scott-Heron’s dialectical blues understanding of the politics of space suggests that dismantling the United States’ unprecedented carceral state will hinge not so much on comparing rates of spending on confinement versus welfare but on analyzing their interconnection and on developing political unity and (even) love. The peaceful promise of outer space – displacing the Man from the moon – remains tied to liberatory, decolonial projects on earth. The appropriation of space by private entities isn’t value neutral but is facilitated by the cosmic elite and unequal IR. Stockwell 20 Samuel Stockwell (Research Project Manager, the Annenberg Institute at Brown University). “Legal ‘Black Holes’ in Outer Space: The Regulation of Private Space Companies”. E-International Relations. Jul 20 2020. Accessed 12/7/21. https://www.e-ir.info/2020/07/20/legal-black-holes-in-outer-space-the-regulation-of-private-space-companies/Xu The US government’s support for private space companies is also likely to lead to the reinforcement of Earth-bound wealth inequalities in space. Many NewSpace actors frame their long-term ambitions in space with strong anthropogenic undertones, by offering the salvation of the human race from impending extinction through off-world colonial developments (Kearnes and Dooren: 2017: 182). Yet, this type of discourse disguises the highly exclusive nature of these missions. Whilst they seem to suggest that there is a stake for ordinary citizens in the vast space frontier, the reality is that these self-described space pioneers are a member of a narrow ‘cosmic elite’ – “founders of Amazon.com, Microsoft, Pay Pal… and a smattering of games designers and hotel magnates” (Parker, 2009: 91). Indeed, private space enterprises have themselves suggested that they have no obligation to share mineral resources extracted in space with the global community (Klinger, 2017: 208). This is reflected in the speeches of individuals such as Nathan Ingraham, a senior editor at the tech site EngadAsteroid mining, who claimed that asteroid mining was “how America is going to move into space and develop the next Vegas Strip” (Shaer, 2016: 50). Such comments highlight a form of what Beery (2016) defines as ‘scalar politics’. In similar ways to the ‘scaling’ of unequal international relations that has constituted our relationship with outer space under the guise of the ‘global commons’ (Beery, 2016: 99), private companies – through their anthropogenic discourse – are scaling existing Earth-bound wealth inequalities and social relations into space by siphoning off extra-terrestrial resources. By constructing their endeavours in ways that appeal to the common good, NewSpace actors are therefore concealing the reality of how commercial resource extraction serves the exclusive interests of their private shareholders at the expense of the vast majority of the global population. Private companies utilize outer space as the foundation for a new era of logistical surveillance and control, manipulating satellites to justify American colonialism in the Middle East. Stockwell 20 Brackets Original. Samuel Stockwell (Research Project Manager, the Annenberg Institute at Brown University). “Legal ‘Black Holes’ in Outer Space: The Regulation of Private Space Companies”. E-International Relations. Jul 20 2020. Accessed 12/7/21. https://www.e-ir.info/2020/07/20/legal-black-holes-in-outer-space-the-regulation-of-private-space-companies/Xu Private Space Corporations and Orbital Surveillance: Dual-Use Satellite Technology Starting in 2013, the leaking of classified information by former US National Security Agency employee Edward Snowden revealed the extent to which American intelligence agencies were collaborating with the private sector in mass surveillance operations (Bauman et al., 2014). In what has been described as the ‘securitisation’ of society, contemporary states have shifted from “politics to policing and from governing to managing” the public, which has often occurred without the consent or knowledge of their citizens (Petit, 2020: 31). While such practices have conventionally been Earth-bound in nature, the space domain provides an entirely radical and strategically beneficial perspective for conducting surveillance through satellites. Although many commercial US satellites provide an array of environmental and internet capabilities on Earth, they are also absolutely essential from a national security perspective of maintaining US space superiority (Chatters IV and Crothers, 2009: 257). This is known as the “dual-use” nature of satellites, where civilian and military purposes are blurred into a single observational system and can be adapted for different functions when necessary (Lubojemski, 2019: 128-129). Dual-use satellite technology has been vital for the US military in offering a tactical edge on the battlefield, with 80 of its satellite communications needs being derived from commercial satellites (Hampson, 2017: 7). The reliance on these networks forms a component of the broader US military doctrine of ‘space control’, part of which aims to secure the transmission of commercial satellite data that will prevent the exposure of sensitive military tactics (Peña and Hudgins, 2002). Whilst the OST does not contain any clauses specifying the rules or regulations of data monitoring in space, any form of malicious or illegal surveillance can be seen to violate Article XI, which requires states to: “Inform the Secretary-General of the United Nations as well as to the public and international scientific community, to the greatest extent feasible and practical, of the nature, conduct, locations and results of space activities” (UN, 1967). Yet, legal scholars have claimed that this clause is significantly weak, since states can withhold vital information about their space activities on the basis that the dissemination of such information is neither ‘feasible’ nor ‘practical’ (Chatterjee, 2014: 31-32). The absence of any clear UN guidelines has also meant that American satellite corporations are increasingly capable of refusing to state their intentions, or who their customers are – with the US government being one of these elusive clients. The 1994 Presidential Decision Decree-23 authorised the US government to require firms to either limit or stop sales of certain satellite images through a process known as ‘shutter control’. It is controversial because it designates the US executive branch the ability to limit publicly accessible information in certain circumstances, possibly violating First Amendment rights (Livingston and Robinson, 2003: 12). During the 2001 War in Afghanistan, the US government bought the rights to all orbital images taken over the theatre of operations by GeoEye’s Ikonos satellite on the grounds of ‘national security’ (The Guardian, 2001). However, media groups accused the government deal of preventing them from informing the public about matters of critical importance that in no way implicated national security, including the independent verification of government claims concerning damage to civilian structures and possible casualties (Livingston and Robinson, 2003: 12). These measures therefore undermined the OST’s Article XI clause by concealing important information to the public when it was feasibly possible, through the guise of national security discourse. At the same time, it allowed the US government to manipulate media coverage of areas it deems to be essential for conditioning public war support in Afghanistan, whilst simultaneously strengthening its space control doctrine. In many ways this strategy can also be seen as facilitating a ‘global panoptical’ intelligence network (Backer, 2008). By extending the private-public hybrid structure of surveillance into outer space, businesses and governments have the opportunity to observe millions of global citizens unknowingly at any one point – and with it – immense amounts of data. Given that GeoEye received nearly two million dollars in contract-related fees from the US government for its Ikonos pictures (The New York Times, 2001), this could incentivise the commercial satellite industry to continue to restrict data that might serve the interests of citizens globally. As such, satellite imaging may turn into a form of orbital data-siphoning where companies conducting observations in space could sell off their data to the highest bidder, with a concerning disregard for privacy rights. Indeed, the revelations surrounding Cambridge Analytica and Facebook have underscored the extent to which private entities are monetising off the sensitive information of their consumers unknowingly (Balkin, 2018: 2050-2051). The framing of outer space as the frontier renders private entities as the primary colonizing force that marginalizes the Otherized. Kearnes and van Dooren 17 Matthew Kearnes (Associate Professor, School of Humanities and Languages, University of New South Wales) and Thom van Dooren (Deputy Director at the Sydney Environment Institute and an Associate Professor in the Department of Gender and Cultural Studies at the University of Sydney). “Rethinking the Final Frontier: Cosmo-Logics and an Ethic of Interstellar Flourishing”. Geohumanities. Vol 3. Pages 178-197. 18 Apr 2017. Accessed 1/2/22. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/2373566X.2017.1300448Xu We discuss the frontier in greater detail in the final section of this article. For now, however, we note that this framing raises a broad range of problems, some of which have been explored by others (Billings 1997; Newell 2014). Centrally important here are the ways in which frontier rhetoric naturalizes expansion, downplaying the significance of what existed prior to the arrival of the brave explorers and settlers, where every movement is conceived as a movement into “unoccupied” space. In addition, the frontier also refigures the homeland in important ways: The promise of new resources and territories beyond the frontier—especially in the context of an opening rendered necessary by the virtual exhaustion of previous lands—can function to undermine the perceived value of home (Plumwood 1993). There is a strange kind of empty-fullness to the frontier, a site simultaneously devoid and full of possibilities. The lands beyond the frontier could well have immense value—from the Californian gold fields to the potential mineral value of asteroids—but in this frontier logic the only values that register are those of the (dominant) colonizing force. Other modes of valuation are quickly swept aside, from those of local sentient beings, to minority opinions among the colonizing culture itself (which might, for example, advocate the value of leaving these places to their own devices). At the same time, although the frontier is often presented as the definitive site of colonial power and expansionist impulse, it is worth recalling that in practice European empires and colonial enterprises were often characterized by heterogeneous forms of political rule and chaotic engagements with indigenous peoples and environments. For example, countering its image as “vast and apparently despotic,” MacKenzie (1997) argued that the British Empire was “in reality a ramshackle conglomerate, very far from the allseeing, allpowerful monolith” (222). In this sense, frontier logics tended to paper over the heterogeneous and contingent attempts to impose colonial rule. Alongside the projection of amorphous space, again and again in these off-Earth discussions, the human figure takes a homogenous form: what Cosgrove (2001) termed “the rhetoric of universal brotherhood in a shrinking world” (272). Continuing the tradition cemented by the popular reception of the first photos of Earth from outer space, this tendency evokes the notions of a shared fate of a global humanity, that seemed to arise—almost naturally—from the “above ground” perspective beamed back to Earth by interstellar travelers (Jasanoff 2001). This amorphous humanity is positioned in very different ways in these discussions: in some cases the destroyer of extraterrestrial life, in other cases liberated from the constraints of a finite planet, free to expand the human project out into the stars. In the vision of Deep Space Industries (DSI Media 2016)—as conveyed in a short promotional video—the future is one in which we are able to “create a better future for all of us through space resources.” This talk of “humanity” or “all of us” must raise questions about who will actually benefit from extraterrestrial expansion. Recent science fiction explorations of this theme—like Kim Stanley Robinson’s (2012) 2312 and Neill Blomkamp’s (2013) Elysium—offer dystopic, yet strangely familiar, visions of a future in which the Earth-bound live on as poor neighbors to those with new forms of, very literal, upward mobility. Some recent scholarly discussions have taken these distributional issues seriously, benefiting from the introduction of perspectives from environmental justice, feminist philosophy, and political ecology (Billings 2006; French 2013; Schwartz and Milligan 2017; Mitchell 2017). In contrast to the dominant threads of ethical scholarship on space from the 1980s and 1990s—which focused on the relationship between, on the one hand, an amorphous “humanity,” and on the other, off-Earth organisms or landscapes (Baird Callicott 1986; Rolston 1986; K. Lee 1994; Lupisella and Logsdon 1997; Marshall 1997; Sparrow 1999)—these more recent discussions have served to open up questions of justice and the oppression of certain human groups in relation to, for example, the potential terraforming of Mars (French 2013). This attention to questions of justice within the scholarly literature picks up on a longer history within legal and political scholarship, as well as international discussions and agreements at the United Nations and elsewhere that have explored who is being left out of the “space race” (Billings 2006), including equity and benefit sharing among nations, the ownership of off-Earth territory and resources (United Nations 1996; Cooper 2003; Tronchetti 2014) and geostationary orbit allocations for satellites (Rathman 1999). Much of this work has pointed to the fact that it is probable that the future outcomes of the space age—from resource extraction to new scientific discoveries and burgeoning markets in space tourism—will be unequally distributed.5 For the most part, however, discussions of off-Earth mining and space colonization gloss over or completely ignore these issues in their celebration of human expansion and its projected benefits. More than simply ignoring human diversity and inequity, these discussions are grounded on, and in fact leverage, a very particular figure of the universal human, that of an inherently rapacious species engaged in unavoidable expansion.6 From this perspective, space exploration is able to be presented as “a natural extension of humankind’s desire to explore our own planet” (Williamson 2003, 47, italics added), while “the exploitation of mineral resources from celestial bodies” is “the logical progression of human development” (R. J. Lee 2012, 1, italics added). At the same time, the commercial “development of the space environment—for industry, commerce and tourism” is presented as “a natural extension of our current business and domestic agenda” (Williamson 2003, 47, italics added). A prominent Web site on off-Earth mining confidently announces that “as history has repeatedly shown, where there are valuable minerals to be unearthed, adventurous humans will arrive in droves—even if it means battling extreme conditions and risking life and limb” (Australian Centre for Space Engineering Research 2016). On its Space Settlements Web site, NASA develops the trope that humans are naturally expansive even further: “Why build space settlements? Why do weeds grow through cracks in sidewalks? Why did life crawl out of the oceans and colonize land? Because living things want to grow and expand. We have the ability to live in space … therefore we will” (cited in Mitchell 2017). So it is the notion of the frontier—fecund with images of space as devoid both of humans and recognizable signs of cultivation (both material and cultural), but rich in potential resources— that operates as the screen on which the figure of collective humanity is projected. This framing is found even within much of the literature focused on the ethics of space mining and colonization. Here, however, it is the crossing of this frontier—the threshold between a familiar earthly home and a foreign and exotic other—that precipitates the need for ethics. For scholars writing in the long shadow of the colonial experience—both historic and continuing—the echoes between the notion of a stellar frontier and the projection of a space ripe for ethical and material cultivation should be enough to give us significant pause for thought. We need only recall the consequences for both indigenous communities and colonial landscapes that projections of empty space (literally terra nullius) have had—but also the role of particular modes of ethical and moral philosophy in perpetuating and even enabling this violence (Arneil 1996) 7 —to want to insist on a different starting point. Thus, I affirm Resolved: The appropriation of outer space by private entities is unjust. Spec and definitions in doc. The – “used to point forward to a following qualifying or defining clause or phrase”. Google. https://www.google.com/search?q=the+definitionandrlz=1C1CHBF_enUS877US877andoq=the+definitionandaqs=chrome.0.69i59j69i64j69i61j69i60l2.2103j0j7andsourceid=chromeandie=UTF-8 Appropriation – “an act or instance of appropriating something”. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/appropriation Of – “indicating an association between two entities, typically one of belonging”. https://www.google.com/search?q=of+definitionandrlz=1C1CHBF_enUS877US877andoq=of+definitionandaqs=chrome..69i57j69i60.1494j0j7andsourceid=chromeandie=UTF-8 Outer Space – “the physical universe beyond the earth's atmosphere”. https://www.google.com/search?q=outer+space+definitionandrlz=1C1CHBF_enUS877US877andoq=outer+space+definitionandaqs=chrome..69i57j69i60.2363j0j7andsourceid=chromeandie=UTF-8 By – “identifying the agent performing an action.”. https://www.google.com/search?q=by+definitionandrlz=1C1CHBF_enUS877US877andoq=by+definitionandaqs=chrome.0.69i59.1433j0j7andsourceid=chromeandie=UTF-8 Is – “dialectal present tense first-person and third-person singular of BE”. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/is Unjust means unfair. U.S. Supreme Court 97 Brackets Original. 521 U.S. 591 (1997) AMCHEM PRODUCTS, INC., et al. v. WINDSOR ET AL. No. 96-270. United States Supreme Court. Argued February 18, 1997. Decided June 25, 1997. Accessed 1/11/21. https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=10149606034909104692andq=definition+of+unjust+as+unfairandhl=enandas_sdt=6,44 Xu The Rule 23(b)(3) predominance inquiry tests whether proposed classes are sufficiently cohesive to warrant adjudication by representation. See 7A Wright, Miller, and Kane 518— 519.19 The inquiry appropriate under Rule 23(e), on the other hand, protects unnamed class members "from unjust or unfair settlements affecting their rights when the representatives become fainthearted before the action is adjudicated or are able to secure satisfaction of their individual claims by a compromise." See 7B Wright, Miller, and Kane § 1797, at 340-341. But it is not the mission of Rule 23(e) to assure the class cohesion that legitimizes representative action in the first place. If a common interest in a fair compromise could satisfy the predominance requirement of Rule 23(b)(3), that vital prescription would be stripped of any meaning in the settlement context. Private belongs “Affecting or belonging to private individuals, as distinct from the public generally. Not official.” That’s Black’s Law Dictionary “What is PRIVATE?” Black’s Law Dictionary. No Date. Accessed 1/4/21. https://thelawdictionary.org/private/Xu Entity is “Legally, equal to a person who might owe taxes. A generic term inclusive of person, partnership, organization, or business. An entity can be legally bound. An entity is uniquely identifiable from any other entity.” That’s Black’s Law Dictionary “What is ENTITY?” Black’s Law Dictionary. No Date. Accessed 1/4/21. https://thelawdictionary.org/entity/Xu Instead of the logistical project of managing loss through property and ownership, understand the 1AC as a project of indebtness and hapticality, orienting away from the individuation of a smooth-functioning subject. Moten and Harney, 21 (Fred Moten, Professor of Performance Studies for the Tisch School of the Arts at NYU, PhD in English from UC Berkeley, 2020 MacArthur Genius Fellow, Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management for the Lee Kong Chian School of Business at Singapore Management University, PhD in Social and Political Sciences from the University of Cambridge, co-founder of Ground Provisions—a curatorial collective, founder of the School for Study—a nomadic study collective, 2021, All Incomplete, pp 13-18) gz The first theft shows up as rightful ownership. This is the theft of fleshly, earth(l)y life, which is then incarcerated in the body. But the body, it turns out, is just the first principal-agent problem. The body is just an overseer, a factor, a superintendent for the real landlord, the real owner, the individual, in his noxious, heavy-handed conceptuality. The legal term for this principal-agent problem is mind. In this regard, the designation ‘mind/body problem’ is a synecdochal redundancy in abstraction rather than an entanglement, or even an opposition, of anima and matter, mama and soul. There’s this formulation that Robert Duncan gets from Erwin Schrödinger that helps a certain disordering along. Schrödinger says “living matter evades the decay to equilibrium.” Well, if Proudhon is right, and slavery, murder, robbery, and property are a unit; if the general regime of private property is most accurately understood as social death; then what if death/private property is that equilibrium of which Schrödinger speaks? What John Donne speaks of by way of God’s sovereign capacity to preserve is a problem that will have been meant to solve a problem; and when Schrödinger speaks of evading the decay to equilibrium, he isn’t saying that all decay is bad. Corruption is our (accursed) share, our antological practice, our eccentric centering, as M.C. Richards might say. How we evade ownership/equilibrium is given precisely in that refusal to prevent loss that we call sharing, rubbing, empathy, hapticality: the undercommon love of flesh, our essential omnicentric or anacentric eccentricity. Every thing, in the wake of such disordering, is loss prevention. John Locke creates the tabula rasa as a container for properties – properties of the mind, and properties owned by the propertied mind. Self-knowledge is self-possession and self-positioning in Locke. His accumulation process is auto-location, because one can’t help but settle for that. From the first moment, which appears to keep happening all the time, all property is posited, beginning with the positing/positioning of a body for locating ownership, and the owned, and a mind for owning. The posit and the deposit inaugurate ownership as incorporation, whose inevitable end, given in continual withdrawal, is loss. This requires the production of a science of loss, which is to say the science of whiteness, or, logistics. Every acquisition, every improvement, is an ossification of sharing. This ossification is given in and as containment. The first odious vessel produced by and for logistics is not the slave ship, but the body – flesh conceptualized – which bears the individual-in-subjection. A profound viciousness begins with this colonization of the posited body, the appointment of the posited mind, and the manipulation – in various modalities of brutality – of their mutually enveloping redundancy, given in the dead perpetual motion of the will to colonize. This enclosure, this settlement, will be repeated because it must be repeated. Every slave will have been every time the mirror in which the self, in seeing itself, comes into existence in and as itself, which is an omnicidal fantasy. Locke invents the derivative here, a degraded part of the accursed share that is poised to draw on the power of this share, but only to create more derivatives, to create more zones of dispossession by positing possession, in the denial of loss that prepares for loss. All property is loss because all property is the loss of sharing. In its willfulness, property is theft; but beyond the murderousness that would attend theft-in-acquisition one mind/body at a time, the theft in question here is absolute serial murder, which we survive only insofar as all property remains vulnerable to sharing. This is to say nothing other than that all property is fugitive. It flees from its own positing, runs from being-deposited. All (property) jumps bail. Sharing, exhaustion, expending, derivation will have been contained and congealed in the measurable and accountable individual unit of the derivative. But sharing is our means, the earth’s means in us and our means in earth. Logistics would seem to value means over ends – everything is how to get it there, not what it is – but logistics is really the degradation of means, the general devaluation of means through individuation and privatization, which are the same thing. It is the science of lost means advanced with every act of loss prevention. The 1AC is an endorsement fugitive science – the anti-Black technologies of space exploration isn’t limited to whiteness, but is radically retooled toward a shadow archive of blurred lines and assemblages. Murillo 19 Brackets Original. Dr. John Murillo III (Assistant Professor of African American Studies at the University of California, Irvine. His primary research interests are Black speculative fiction, critical theory, quantum mechanics, and popular media). “Review: Fugitive Science: Empiricism and Freedom in Early African American Culture, by Britt Rusert”. Vol. 5 No. 1 (2019): Special Section on Crip Technoscience. Catalyst Journal. Apr 1, 2019. Accessed 1/4/22. https://catalystjournal.org/index.php/catalyst/article/view/30498/24698Xu So we begin here and at a bit of length because this kind of narrative of experimentation and research done unseen, in the margins and between the lines, warrants revisiting after reading Britt Rusert’s profoundly illuminating Fugitive Science: Empiricism and Freedom in Early African American Culture. Rusert chronicles what she describes as a shadow archive—a history that lurks behind, undergirds, and complicates the dominant archive—of “African American science writing and cultural production in the antebellum period” (2017, p. 8), and she she calls this archive fugitive science. Fugitive science describes a heterogeneous, innovative, resistant, “dynamic and diverse archive of engagements with, critiques of, and responses to” (p. 4) the antiblack racial science that proliferated the antebellum episteme, and it expands the definition of science to include forms of praxis and experimentation typically, and often deliberately, unrecognized as science: conjuring, performance, astrology, mysticism, mesmerism, and imaginative speculation. Citing Michel Foucault’s The Order of Things: An Archaeology of rhe Human Sciences, Rusert charactizes fugitive science as a “counter-science,” (p. 6) one undergirded by a “subterranean politics and furtive insurgency” (p. 17) aimed at appropriating, confronting, mocking, or otherwise destabilizing the logics of the racial science of the antebellum period and its political and ideological echoes in eras beyond. It is a science of the “unthought” (Hartman and Wilderson, 2003) that innovates from the outside margins of history or in between the lines of the archive; it describes a set of “ongoing experiments in freedom, radical empiricisms” (p. 20) that refuse the normative constrictions and often deathly, antiblack consequences of what would typically be recognized as scientific inquiry. Irreducible to any one form of thought production (from writing to visual art to performance), it treats science—and knowledge writ large—as an “assemblage of different fields and practices that could” and should “be dismantled, reassembled, and redirected” (p. 132) toward Black thought’s work of “imagining the unimaginable” (Sharpe, 2014, p. 59): liberation from, or the end of, the antiblack world. In that way, Rusert’s fugitive science is alchemical: from base elements marshaled from countless arenas of thought and experience, fugitive scientists such as Benjamin Banneker, Henry Box Brown, Martin R. Delaney, Sarah Mapps Douglass, and even Brenda Smith, my grandmother, Blacken and transmute an altogether radical unique, and “unthinkable” scientific practice. Rusert categorizes three forms of fugitive science, but the lines between them blur and even disappear from case to case—it is, after all, a radically dynamic form of knowledge production; moving through the text, one might do well to also consider these forms to be like frequencies on which all fugitive science articulates. The oppositional frequency of fugitive science describes work done to intervene explicitly into scientific discourses, especially those that reinforced the ruling, antiblack episteme. Works operating on the practical frequency attempted to instrumentalize science and technology in ways that could help advance the project of emancipation. And finally, the speculative frequency of fugitive science wields the imaginative richness of scientific inquiry to explore the limits, conditions of possibility, and revolutionary potential of Black existence. Throughout her chronicling of the history and genealogy of fugitive science, Rusert reveals the fluidity of these forms, the ease with which an individual figure, work, or exchange may articulate on one or more of these frequencies at once. As examples, Benjamin Banneker’s confrontations with Thomas Jefferson over Jefferson’s infamous Notes on the State of Virginia locate the oppositional origin point for Rusert’s history of fugitive science. Banneker’s extensive critiques of Jefferson and those that followed in their wake—like James McCune Smith’s essays—act as intentionally and predominantly oppositional works meant to intervene against racial science. On another frequency, Martin R. Delany’s novel, Blake; or, The Huts of America, weaves a speculative history and future of revolutionary movement and organization that marshals both practical astronomical knowledge and metaphysical rumination. A work of more remarkably varied frequencies, Rusert reads Delany’s novel as aiming to radically destabilize the boundaries between metaphysical mysticism and science, and to provide information that could all advance the cause of Black liberation in and beyond the antebellum period. And on still another frequency, the little-known teachings and lectures on physiology of Sarah Mapps Douglass, which she offered almost exclusively to Black women and young girls, indirectly offers a response to “the forms of experimental science that exploited Joice Heth, Sarah Baartman, and countless other women of African descent in the nineteenth-century Atlantic world” (p. 185), where Black women were (and are) subject to layer of violent erasure that render(ed) them the “mute experimental subjects of nineteenth century science” (p. 181). Further, Douglass’s lectures operate on a lower frequency than the other subjects of Rusert’s texts, a frequency of the lapses silences of the unavailable archive—muted, censored, displaced, or forgotten into unavailability—necessitating speculation in the form of inferences, like stitches, drawn from the limited records Rusert is able to collect. In this way, Douglass also responds to the longue dureé of the deliberate and casual erasure of Black women from the still unfolding history and genealogy of fugitive science. Each work, moment, and exchange of fugitive science encapsulates a dynamic expression announcing anew the defiant, creative, and uncontainable project of Black freedom on multiple frequencies. Essential to fully tuning into the frequencies of these and the many fugitive scientists of Rusert’s study—and of Rusert’s study itself as well—is an attention to the grand questions about and implications for Black knowledge production and critical, creative thought that her chronicle compels us to (re)consider. As and after we read Fugitive Science, we must rethink the ways we define, recognize, and take seriously science, critique, resistance, and knowledge itself. After encountering the variable frequencies and forms fugitive science takes, how can we delimit what constitutes scientific inquiry? How might we better tune to the lower frequencies of intellectual and creative endeavors that we otherwise miss, that are rendered inaudible, or that we would normally disallow from being truly engaged as knowledge? Like I have been compelled to do, both at the outset of these remarks and in my own research, we might begin by radically reconsidering our encounters with the alternative, vexing, sometimes fraught fragments of experimentation, research, and speculation that comprise the vast, varied, and still-unfolding archive of Black thought. We might search the silences and lower frequencies for those articulations of Black innovation that fugitively traverse the static. We must, then, innovate an alternative form of reading and listening that will enable us to find what we, prior to reading this text, did not know we would do well to seek. Only then might the full expression of Fugitive Science and all its lessons from the antebellum period enable us to continue and advance the revolutionary struggle against racist science and its ripples in the contemporary moment. The private project of space embodies an avatar of destruction that marshals violent energies to annihilate the archive – voting aff endorses Black Alchemy to transform racialized fears into incoherent spaces for Black life. Murillo, 20—Assistant Professor, African American Studies School of Humanities, UC-Irvine (John, “Untimely Dispatch From the Middle of Nowhere 24,” Propter Nos Vol. 4 (2020), dml) We work with the shards of Black life and death that called out to us because we knew and know that the critical, caring, and perilous work we need to do is bound up with destruction. These fragments of Black life and death surrounding us affirm our sense of our own untimeliness against the neatness of time, and of our stankiness in the middle of nowhere. I have written elsewhere and at length about what I am calling “untime,” which describes the dereliction of Black temporality, and about “stankiness,”1 the defining characteristic of the nowhere of Black spatiality. The untimeliness that signals our destructive relationship to human models and experiences of time and the stankiness that signals our destructive relationship to human spaces and spatiality act as the Black prima materia, the Black and essential material, with which we must work to create these impossible stories we imagine, witness, bear, conjure, and live in and against the antiblack cosmos where and when we cannot be. What we knew, and now know with excruciating intimacy, to be the violent, distorted fabric of spacetime shaping the field of fragments around us is the material we must bend to create Black pocket universes from streets to pages (and everywhere and when between). We knew and know that in order to conjure Black spacetimes that might upend the antiblack cosmos, we would have to become avatars of destruction, able to bend the forces of untimeliness and stankiness and love toward the kinds of authentic upheaval that must be born if we are to save the earth and conjure the impossible story of a wholly unimaginable world. Wherever and whenever we’ve ended up, nowhere is better or more apropos, and we’ve got no time to celebrate. We wordly wanderers wander wondering about the possibility of other worlds, word worlds that would warp and rend and otherwise radically reimagine the fabric of spacetime, especially since we understand the ways that our pain, terror, and subjection stitch that fabric together. We traverse the perilous folds in space and wrinkles in time in search of the fragments of a theory of Black spacetime because we recognized that understanding not only how time and space tear Black life, death, and creation absolutely asunder, but also how Black life, death, and creation unsettle and upend time and space,2 would be essential if we aimed to take time and make space for Black folk, in theory, in word, and in deed. Our many lingering questions about the actual possibilities of Black creation are the connective force arranging the field of these fragmented, impossible stories we sought out and that sought us out, that we write and we tell, around us. For Jasmine, Shakara, Dajerria, Sandra, Kalief, Nephi, for my students across time and space, for my wife and my family, and for all the Black folk living and dying untimely lives and deaths in the middle of nowhere, these questions illuminate the path forward, propel and direct the vector of our imaginative journey, and shape our vision of a destination. Asking how we have marshaled, do marshal, and might better marshal the violent energy of our spatiotemporal dereliction and transmute it into the creative, caring energy required to conjure moments and sites for Black folk to disturb the air with our breath opens us into a serious consideration of the stakes and potentiality of Black creation. Our visitations with Black words and worlds created and lived by Black folk allow us to advance this consideration and to move ourselves toward taking the leap into the wholly Black black hole of it all. Ultimately, our leap leads us to recognize that to make the arrangements, conjure ways out of no way, and take and make time when there is none to spare is to engage in dangerous work—and not in the least because the work tends to draw the fire, bullets, terror, and domination of the antiblack world, its institutions, and its agents;3 we work with volatile material, this stuff of untimely death and destruction, and this stank of nowhere, so we must negotiate how we imperil ourselves and the variously dead and living Black folk for whom we care. How we handle the forces that destroy us, that remove us from a subject position—that is, from a stable location relative to space and time—has significant import for us because our handling of these forces will impact those who encounter the creations we destructively produce. How we alchemically transmute destruction determines the shape the product takes and the effects it might have on those for whom we endeavored to create it. How we treat this material across each step of the process of alchemical creation affects what form that material is able to take. Alchemy functions as a useful frame for this process because it requires the dissolution or destruction of our prima materia, our original material, as a necessary and first step toward the creation of something else. Nigredo, alchemy’s first step, signifies blackness and requires the dissolution of our source material, compelling us to think about how we break our material down to its volatile essential components. Albedo, alchemy’s second step, signifies whiteness and requires the distillation of the usable from what nigredo produces, compelling us to consider how we scrub clean or purify what we can or want to use of that material. And rubedo, alchemy’s final step,4 signifies redness and results in the synthesis of the fabled philosopher stone itself, compels us to consider how we alter and synthesize that destructive force into a radically different product. Alchemical transmutation is the process of radical breaking-apart/disordering, reorganization, and creation. When we think of Black creation, especially when that creation is inherently a ‘working-with-fragments,’ we must think (and have thought) about the ways we handle these fragments throughout the complex process of transmutation under untimely, spatially dislocated conditions. This is a good way of thinking about what has been the subject and the work of the kind of impossible invention Black folk (vie to) perform: on the one hand, we spend pages trying to think about how this process works (its mechanics) and to what ends (its stakes and possibilities); on the other, we spend pages performing this work by unraveling the entanglement of Blackness, spacetime, care, and creation, extracting what is essential to this entanglement, and producing a theory of Black untimely creation out of nowhere. Across genres, styles, disciplines, and paradigmatic divides marked by woefully inadequate names, written account of a difficult and dangerous transmutation. Working with and through our destructive relationship with the fabric of the cosmos produces what we understand to be an essential contradiction of Black creative work: in this cosmos, our untimeliness and our displacement are constitutive to our capacities to make time or take a minute, and to make space or find our way; that which destroys our relationship to time, space, and each other remains inextricably bound up with our creative aspiration and imaginative aim. We knew this, and we know this, and we have created, and do and will continue to create under these conditions. Fragment 117 Destructive Writing, and Fragmented Work How to tell a shattered story?5 What is required to…tell an impossible story?6 I do not know when or how else to begin, but I do know that each and e ver y Black frag ment matters Here are the fragments put together by another me7 The cord of cowrie shells drags across the polished dark wood of the floor beneath her feet, tracing a constellation through the small nodes of water she arranged before us. M. NourbeSe Philip conjures a liquid narrative arc from the watery remnants of the lost words and names, bodies and souls, and untimely timelines of Black lives lost at sea as she performs selections from Zong! for we who sought to bear water and witness. Clamoring cowrie shells clatter a rhythm for our guided collective recollection. Like the beautiful fragments of shells to which she was condemned to beaches to search, they are their own w/holes, and their arrangement along the snaking cord traces the coordinate field of the event horizon that she asks us to cross. The wet drag of heavy, shelled rope through water scratch-splash-crashes above a low rumble, the drumroll of tidal forces altering the fabric of the small, dark cosmos of the theater. Overwhelming, oceanic, Black, chant, song, dance, breath, wake, word, and work warp, wrinkle, and collapse into one another. We get lost in the riff, rift, and riptide of the performance, rhythmically called by shell fragments to where and when the lost might be.8 In the cosmic Black magic being conjured, uncertainty is our familiar. Zong! is M. NourbeSe Philip playing with fragments, a poiesis of destructive means and ends. There are orders of fragments at play, here, and play is only possible under the parameters set by Philip in an agreement with the limitations of the archive brokered by the 150 Black folk thrown overboard. The first order is comprised of the narrative bits of Black life and death that make up, but will always fail to fully add up to, the 150 souls lost beneath the waves. The second order is established by the fragmentary (and figmentary) nature of the available, historical account—the insurance claim and the court case. To become both magician and censor, the poet locks herself inside the limits of the available archive of the legal case, Gregson v. Gilbert, attempting to inhabit the same conditions endured by the slaves aboard the Zong/Zorgue. Sequestering herself to the language of the available record means situating herself in the “dysgraphia” characteristic of every untimely narrative fragment—of the Black lives thrown overboard from the deck of the Zong, of those left to die on a dinghy in the Mediterranean,9 of all of us. The “dysgraphia: the inability of language to cohere around the bodies and the suffering of we Black people who live and die in the wake and whose everyday acts insist Black life into the wake”10 is the condition of possibility for Philips’s magic. Incoherence makes her form of spellcasting—or spelling—possible. We read, we watch, and we are caught in the derangement of the spell. The story of the Zong, the story that the dead demand to be told, can only be ‘un-told,’ or told in a deranged way by “re-presenting the sequence” of signs and symbols that index the available information. The writing becomes its own process of disfigurement and the process produces the second order of fragments: the language. The falling, failing, ripped-apartness of language, as an echo of the “seared, divided, ripped-apartness” of the “primary narrative” of Black flesh, becomes the manifestation of this destructive “praxis” and “theory,” “text for living and for dying, and…method for writing them both.”11 Spacing the words out and exploding their letters into the unintelligible disarray littering the pages of Zong! produces imaginative and physical strain. Eyes arrhythmically fail to track the lexical debris across, up, and down pages of the text, and the lack of an orthographic anchor subjects the imagination to a form of interpretive disorientation. The difference in legibility produced by a creative process that depends on the disfigurement of language and the refusal to impose meaning jettisons writer, reader, and witness into a state of imaginative vertigo. M. NourbeSe Philip as Black poet, censor, and magician becomes something like a poetic Galactus: a Black cosmic entity and destroyer of words and worlds; a sentient, vigilant black hole in search of something in excess of meaning and sense, an “underlying current” subtending all that is written and all that the written account could ever mean. Against grammar, the “mechanism of force” structurally imposed onto the available language as symbolic order—the order of ideas, knowledge, and imaginations that ceaselessly and repeatedly murders Black beings—and the Black dysgraphia such grammar allows, Philip mutilates and disorders language, “literally cutting it into pieces, castrating verbs, suffocating adjectives, murdering nouns, throwing articles, prepositions, conjunctions overboard, jettisoning adverbs…separating subject from verb, verb from object—creating semantic mayhem” in the name of “reaching into the stinking, eviscerated innards…and reading the untold story that tells itself by not telling.” This “not-telling” is both vengeful and protective. It is vengeful because it is aimed at mutilating, jettisoning, murdering, suffocating, castrating, cutting, and exploding the archive in the same way the archive mutilates, jettisons, murders, suffocates, castrates, cuts and explodes Black being. And it is protective because Philip recognizes the need to avoid subjecting the dead “to new dangers and to a second order of violence,” one that not only affirms the violence of the grammar that imposes meaning and structure, but reproduces that violence (by ‘maintaining order’)—and this is a need recognized by Hartman, Spillers, Sharpe, myself, and countless others who know the perils of bearing fragmented witness and water. Alchemically transmuting fragments is, in one sense, a form of violent play, a form of derangement and disorder that playfully transforms the violence that made them fragments into a form of violence that can challenge, or outright disintegrate, the symbolic order. Thinking in these terms frames Philip’s creative praxis as a form of offense. In this light, Philip poetically plays with language in order to conjure an assault on the normative constraints of language, grammar, and knowledge. Philip works with the lexical, political, and metaphysical refuse of the lost and dead Black folk thrown overboard by first recognizing them as such—as refuse, as effluvium, as whatever one might call the end product of spaghettification—and then by subjecting them to a form of destructively creative and creatively destructive alchemy that transmutes the violence that produced this refuse into something that attempts to dispose of the symbolic order and all its attendant limits. The organizing principle or grammar by which the antiblack fictions of the archive comes to be faces annihilation in the form of a poiesis that turns its refuse against itself.12 Reanimated13 or ghostly14 or deathly,15 the variously dead resurge in the breaks of word and meaning, and usher in an imaginative form of warfare waged at and against the limits of creative possibility imposed by the symbolic order that made Black folk deathly in the first place. In a space dominated by anti-Blackness and white being, it is your obligation to refuse this inculcated authority. Thus, the ROB is to endorse a fugitive pedagogy. Givens, 21 - Assistant Professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education and the Suzanne Young Murray Assistant Professor at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University (Jarvis R. “Fugitive Pedagogy: Carter G. Woodson and the Art of Black Teaching,” Harvard University Press (2021), duongie) While hyperbolic in his critique of black educators, Woodson’s rhetorical fashioning was not inconsistent with trends in black intellectual thought. 45 At first glance, it appears that Woodson berated the very group of people who constituted his greatest supporters. (One might recall here how Malcolm X, for instance, often scolded black people as fools, addicts, and slaves to the white man before suggesting that they might engage in practices of piety and self-transformation that would help them achieve dignity or self-respect.) Through this particular form of political representation of “the Negro teacher with no higher purpose,” a collective “we” is formed, that being black educators who actively chose to operate outside the interests of white educational authority. 46 The “Negro educators of today” represented in Woodson’s scenario were the ideal political actors based on the dominant ideology of the (white) American School. He anticipated how many educators fell into the traps of compliance, noting that at times “he has committed some of these errors himself.”47 Woodson’s experience as an educator allowed him to speak from a place of self-narration, where he put his prior self in the same category subjected to his critique (“the Negro teacher with no higher purpose”). Here Woodson is doing something similar to religion conversion discourse, whereby a speaker / initiate appeals to an audience by saying, in essence, “I, like you, was once lost, but now am found.” I was once parroting these white lies—I was even worse, given how deeply immersed into the system I was (a graduate of the University of Chicago, Harvard, etc.)—but now I am free, or vocationally sound, and you can be too. Woodson made it a point to express that it took him twenty years to recover after his PhD from Harvard. 48 In crafting an archetype of the American School’s ideal black educator, Woodson politically represented the kind of training and black teacher subjectivity to be refused and negated. Embedded in this rhetorical move was the assertion that the preferred educators were those who sought a higher purpose, those who committed to doing more than “what they are told to do” by white school authorities. Woodson rhetorically constructed the apolitical black educator—which was part fact and fiction, to be clear—as a means to articulate a refined political subjectivity for what it meant to be a black educator, one who is studiously suspicious and antagonistic toward the dominant schooling apparatus of the state. For these reasons, black teachers could read Mis-education or sit in the audience during Woodson’s speeches and nod in agreement. Their identities were formed over and against the picture painted of the abstract “Negro educators of today” (likely not the enlightened ones in the auditorium or reading his books). Woodson highlighted that “Negro History was not required of our teachers when they were in school, and they cannot be blamed for knowing less of this than of other things.”49 While sympathetic to this fact, Woodson critiqued teachers’ lack of attention to the history and culture of black people in schools. His critiques about black educators, which were at once a critique of black teacher training, manifested in written and spoken form, in newspaper columns and Mis-education, as well as speeches rendered at churches and black teacher convenings. The rhetorical task before Woodson when articulating these critiques about teacher training and practice was to get black educators to recognize and describe their education in the impoverished terms of “mis-education,” to then distance themselves from it and become ashamed enough (for lack of a better phrase) to engage in self-correction. This was to be in service of a self-transformation in line with their deepest vocational commitments, a realignment of the virtue of the black teacher. Woodson was appealing to commitments black teachers imagined themselves to have already possessed. This is not something he handed to them. His desire was to show them how they had fallen short, “how we missed the mark” as he put it. They might then reform themselves and their institutions in light of these collective shortcomings. Critique here was a necessary form of love and accountability, a critique of that which one values and seeks to make better. Woodson stressed the importance of black teachers’ associations as a space for teachers to engage with new ideas, emerging research about black life, and political demands of the day. He understood these meetings as a necessary alternative to the mainstream white teachers’ association. Talking to one black educator who preferred to attend the white professional meeting, Woodson responded as follows: Good enough.… You should attend the National Education Association NEA. You may get some help from it, but how often have you or other Negroes been invited to address that body? How often have they discussed problems of special bearing upon the work which you are doing? … If you cannot get some help also from the National Association of Teachers in Colored Schools, which is organized to render you special service in your particular task you cannot be seriously interested in the enlightenment of Negroes and you should be eliminated from their teaching corps. 50 This teachers’ lack of engagement with black teachers’ associations, as far as Woodson was concerned, indicated a lack of professional integrity, someone with no vocation for the art of black teaching. While the NEA might have allowed this black teacher to attend its meetings, the interests of black teachers were not represented on the organization’s agenda in any substantive way. Therefore, attending the national white meeting could not serve as a replacement for engaging the NATCS, an organization wholly committed to improving the experiences of African American teachers and prioritizing the needs of black students. After attending the NATCS meeting of 1932 in Montgomery, Alabama, Woodson commented, “It was one of the most profitable meetings which he had ever attended.” He proclaimed that any teacher in a school with black students needed to be a part of this professional organization. The teachers at this meeting were “awakening more rapidly than the other schools to realize that the Negro in the ghetto must be developed from within and under his own leadership.”51 As an abroad mentor, Woodson encouraged teachers to develop a more critical and informed perspective on the history of their race. This was essential for teachers to be effective instructors of black students, in addition to mastering knowledge in their content areas. While black life and culture was not centered in traditional teacher training pathways, black teachers encountered these ideas through their own professional channels and through Woodson’s ASNLH. As Woodson put it, the training received by both teachers and students conditioned them to become “blind to the Negro.”52 Therefore, black teachers had to actively work against this intentional underdevelopment of their group. His mission was to meet these needs in their veiled professional world. Black Teachers as “Scholars of the Practice” Beyond their encounters with his ideas at teachers’ association meetings, black teachers took up Woodson’s curricular interventions and put them to use in a variety of ways. His curricular materials—textbooks, the Negro History Bulletin, and various supplemental learning content —aided teachers in challenging the American Curriculum in the private spaces of their classrooms, which were nodes of the black counterpublic sphere—restricted spaces, (mostly) beyond the surveillance of white authorities. There, black teachers engaged their students without the mask of compliance they were forced to wear otherwise. Let us return to a rare and vivid account of such fugitive pedagogy: the anecdote of Tessie McGee with which this book opens. This scenario from McGee’s classroom offers a peek backstage, or access to part of the hidden transcript of black teachers’ work in their schools, which their public performance of deference concealed. 53 Woodson’s textbooks were appropriated by black teachers like McGee to contest white supremacy in the hallowed sites of their classrooms, where they cultivated the freedom dreams of future race leaders and worked to push black children to their highest potential. At the same time, the fugitive demands of black education required teachers to perform bold acts of defiance. Otherwise, they were forced to collude with a studiously structured program of mis-education. If black teachers were to teach against the grain of dominant curricula, to humanize black students and inspire them to push for social transformation, it would have to be deeply camouflaged. 54 The concealment of Woodson’s textbook in McGee’s lap, underneath the desk, was a clear marker of her fugitive pedagogy. She wore the mask of compliance even as she strained against the constraints of her Jim Crow classroom. McGee was likely not the only teacher in Webster Parish to use Woodson’s textbook, given the close association of the school’s faculty. Most of the school’s teachers, which totaled less than ten, boarded at the home of J. L. Jones, the school’s principal and a former presidential candidate for the Louisiana Colored Teachers’ Association. 55 The close interlocking of these teachers’ professional and home lives —given that they lived in a teachery—invites us to imagine how they may have shared instructional materials and planned their lessons with one another. Knowing that wellrehearsed performances of obedience were part and parcel of black teachers’ art of resistance, it is safe to infer that the action taken by McGee to secretly use Woodson’s textbook was not an isolated incident. The well-established channels of communication through black teachers’ associations were places where this political ethos of being “double agents” was cultivated and modeled. 56 Fugitive pedagogy also took place beyond the classroom. For example, Willis Nathaniel Huggins taught at Bushwick High School in Brooklyn and was the only black teacher of history in the New York public schools, where he began working in 1924. 57 Huggins became the first black PhD from Fordham University in 1932, taught Sunday courses on black history through the Negro History Club, and also opened a bookstore in Harlem. It was through these capacities that the renowned scholar John Henrik Clark came to refer to Huggins as “a master-teacher.”58 Huggins served in the capacities of president and instructor of the ASNLH’s New York City branch and in 1933 organized the First Annual Dinner of the Negro History Club, which included the participation of such Black Renaissance giants as Arturo Schomburg, Jessie Fauset, and Paul Robeson. And in 1937 Woodson recognized Huggins for the powerful lectures he gave around the city during Negro History Week. 59 The West Virginia State Teachers Association actively “encouraged membership in the NAACP” and similarly “endorsed the work of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History.”60 Dr. Luther P. Jackson, a historian and committed colleague of Woodson’s, made sure that the state program of the Virginia State Teachers Association incorporated Negro History Week celebrations across their schools as well. 61 Furthermore, in 1934 Jackson organized a fund-raising campaign among black teachers and proudly boasted that more than three hundred teachers and hundreds of students donated money to the efforts of the ASNLH in his state. 62 By 1935 Woodson would come to name Negro History Week “the most popular effort ever made by the Association.”63 The historian Lawrence Riddick shared that Negro History Week was a “mass education program.” Woodson’s largest influence on the public came through this initiative. “The response to it from young and old, educated and uneducated, pleased him to no end.”64 Woodson himself declared that even if people were not familiar with the ASNLH or his career as the founder, they “nevertheless heard of and felt the impulse of Negro History Week.”65 To be clear, Negro History Week was not created as the one time throughout the year when students should learn about black history and culture. Woodson constantly reminded the public of this. In fact, he declared that it was the “duty of all teachers,” no matter their subject, to incorporate the life and history of black people into their curricula throughout the school year. 66 The success of Negro History Week relied on the efforts of black teachers’ associations, its wide coverage in the black press, and the work of individual educators who spread the cause in their local communities. One such figure was H. Councill Trenholm, a graduate of Morehouse College, a very influential leader of the Alabama State Teachers Association (ASTA), and an ASNLH board member. 67 Through his leadership in the ASTA, Trenholm conducted a study by circulating questionnaires “among black educators throughout Alabama to determine to what extent black students and the black community were being taught about the contributions of black people.”68 He went on to develop a two-year Negro History Project that began in 1936. This included “distributing Negro History Project study kits to black teachers throughout Alabama. As a result, black schools began to hold annual Negro History Week programs, initiate essay and oratorical contests devoted to Negro themes, and feature Negro life and history themes in school plays and bulletin boards. Black educators also made efforts to secure books by and about black people for their classrooms and libraries.”69 The ASTA published and distributed a handbook about the uses of Negro life and history in schools at its FiftyFourth Annual Convention in Bir mingham, held March 26– 28, 1936. The handbook outlined explicit goals of the Negro History Project and included relevant data on the schooling experiences of black students. This project aimed to establish “the presence of Negro history in all public and private schools; the formation of a course of study in black history; the development of creative expressions by Negro scholars leading to essays, books, monographs, and scientific research by and about black people; the development of a more tolerant relationship between the races; an increased awareness and pride among Negro people of their contributions to ancient and modern civilizations.”70 The handbook also covered the history and resources provided by Woodson’s ASNLH to this cause. The language employed by the ASTA through this Negro History Project underscores how black teachers operationalized Woodson’s educational philosophy through their professional organizations. Woodson delivered the keynote address at this convention. His partnership with the ASTA exemplifies the way he moved through the professional world of black teachers across state lines. The benefits of this relationship between black teachers and Woodson flowed in both directions, and the ties were mutually sustained. The Association welcomed black teachers as leaders and intellectuals within its ranks, even as they were not formally trained historians or social science researchers—though many black teachers did acquire advanced educational degrees. Black teachers represented a large constituency of the ASNLH’s duespaying members. Speaking to this point, historian John Hope Franklin recalled encountering “large numbers of teachers, of high schools and elementary schools” at his first annual meeting for the ASNLH in 1936, which was held in Petersburg, Virginia; and he noted the active role teachers took in the ASNLH’s academic program. 71 The large presence of black teachers at the annual conferences of the ASNLH signals not only their investment in the work of the organization but also their critical role in keeping the organization afloat during the economically challenged years of the 1930s. Some teachers took the lessons offered through Woodson’s ASNLH and its publications to develop outlines for new courses in Negro history as well as other subjects, such as civics. Ira B. Bryant wrote a thirty-page “Study Guide” outline in 1936 for a class on Negro history, which he taught at Phillis Wheatley High School in Houston, Texas. Bryant developed the outline so that other teachers in the local public schools could use it as a resource. There were nine aims for the course: 1. To trace the history of the Negro race from its origin to the present, in order to acquaint the pupil with the glorious heritage of the Negro group. 2. To give the student a comprehensive knowledge of the African culture. 3. To point out the achievement of a race transplanted from the shores of Africa, and thrust in a strange culture, but, in spite of handicaps, has made progress in all the fields of modern civilization. 4. To show clearly to pupils that all of the Negro’s friends are not above the Mason-Dixon Line, nor all of his enemies below the Mason-Dixon Line. 5. To point out the loyalty of the Negro race in each American crisis. 6. To acquaint the student with the truly great Negroes who have achieved in spite of handicaps. 7. To acquaint the student with Negro pioneers in the various fields of endeavor. 8. To show the contribution of the Negro to the political, social and economic life of the United States and of the world. 9. To point out to the pupil how a culture has developed within a culture in the United States of America. Woodson’s textbooks and the Journal of Negro History were listed throughout the proposal as key reading, along with many other books identified for various units within the general course outline. 72 Mirroring Woodson’s advice that the study of black life should inform other courses, Bryant also developed a civics unit for high school seniors entitled “Social Problems: A Report on Negro Housing Conditions.” Students worked individually and in groups to study various blocks in their neighborhood, looking at details shaping black living conditions in their local community. Bryant believed students needed to apply an analytical eye to the social problems of their communities in order to help address these matters as future leaders. 73 There are other examples of teachers in different cities, from New Orleans to Chicago, who developed similar courses of study. These cases underscore how black educators took on additional labor to work around the constraints of the school systems they were forced to function within. To be effective in the lives of black students, black educators constantly strove to be in and not of Jim Crow schools. 74 Underview Revolutionary Suicide is the risk we must take to abolish Racial Capitalism – there is no damnation worse than the current system. Pinkard 13 2013, Lynice Pinkard, “Revolutionary Suicide: Risking Everything to Transform Society and Live Fully”, Tikkun 2013 Volume 28, Number 4: 31-41, http://tikkun.dukejournals.org/content/28/4/31.full I’d like to present an alternative to conventional identity politics, one that requires that we understand the way that capitalism itself has grown out of a very particular kind of identity politics — white supremacy — aimed at securing “special benefits” for one group of people. It is not sufficient to speak only of identities of race, class, and gender. I believe we must also speak of identities in relation to domination. To what extent does any one of us identify with the forces of domination and participate in relations that reinforce that domination and the exploitation that goes with it? In what ways and to what extent are we wedded to our own upward mobility, financial security, good reputation, and ability to “win friends and influence people” in positions of power? Or conversely, do we identify (not wish to identify or pretend to identify but actually identify by putting our lives on the line) with efforts to reverse patterns of domination, empower people on the margins (even when we are not on the margins ourselves), and seek healthy, sustainable relations? When we consider our identities in relation to domination, we realize the manifold ways in which we have structured our lives and desires in support of the very economic and social system that is dominating us. To shake free of this cycle, we need to embrace a radical break from business as usual. We need to commit revolutionary suicide. By this I mean not the killing of our bodies but the destruction of our attachments to security, status, wealth, and power. These attachments prevent us from becoming spiritually and politically alive. They prevent us from changing the violent structure of the society in which we live. Revolutionary suicide means living out our commitments, even when that means risking death. When Huey Percy Newton, the cofounder of the Black Panther Party, called us to “revolutionary suicide,” it appears that he was making the same appeal as Jesus of Nazareth, who admonished, “Those who seek to save their lives will lose them, and those who lose their lives for the sake of the planet will save them.” Essentially, both movement founders are saying the same thing. Salvation is not an individual matter. It entails saving, delivering, rescuing an entire civilization. This cannot be just another day at the bargain counter. The salvation of an entire planet requires a total risk of everything — of you, of me, of unyielding people everywhere, for all time. This is what revolutionary suicide is. The cost of revolutionary change is people’s willingness to pay with their own lives. This is what Rachel Corrie knew when she, determined to prevent a Palestinian home in Rafah from being demolished, refused to move and was killed by an Israeli army bulldozer in the Gaza Strip. This is what Daniel Ellsberg knew when he made public the Pentagon Papers. It’s what Oscar Schindler knew when he rescued over 1,100 Jews from Nazi concentration camps, what subversive Hutus knew when they risked their lives to rescue Tutsis in the Rwandan genocide. This call may sound extreme at first, but an unflinching look at the structure of our society reveals why nothing less is enough. Before returning to the question of revolutionary suicide and what it might mean in each of our lives, let’s look at what we’re up against. Is means is Definition of is (Entry 1 of 4) present tense third-person singular of BE dialectal present tense first-person and third-person singular of BE dialectal present tense plural of BE Webster ND Definition of IS," Merriam Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/is IS
Dialectical present tense means logical coherence which implies no implementation Your Dictionary ND, "Dialectical Meaning," No Publication, https://www.yourdictionary.com/dialectical Cho The definition of dialectical is a discussion that includes logical reasoning and dialogue, or something having the sounds, vocabulary and grammar of a specific way of speaking. An example of something dialectical is a Lincoln Douglass style of debate, where both parties argue a point in a logical order. Of, or pertaining to dialectic; logically reasoned through the exchange of opposing ideas.
“BE” is a linking verb, not an action verb so implementation is incoherent Grammar Monster ND "Linking Verbs," Grammar Monster, https://www.grammar-monster.com/glossary/linking_verbs.htm CHO What Are Linking Verbs? (with Examples) A linking verb is used to re-identify or to describe its subject. A linking verb is called a linking verb because it links the subject to a subject complement (see graphic below). Infographic Explaining Linking Verb A linking verb tells us what the subject is, not what the subject is doing. Easy Examples of Linking Verbs In each example, the linking verb is highlighted and the subject is bold. Alan is a vampire. (Here, the subject is re-identified as a vampire.) Alan is thirsty. (Here, the subject is described as thirsty.)
The space race is deeply entangled with the development of carcerality, funded through wealth extracted from black communities through policing and exploitative labor. The use of space as a symbol of progress obfuscated racial divisions and cohered an ideological understanding of white upward mobility and black immobility.
Loyd 15. Jenna M. 2015. "Whitey on the Moon: Space, Race, and the Crisis of Black Mobility." In Montegary, Liz and Melissa White, eds. Mobile Desires: The Politics and Erotics of Mobility Justice. Palgrave Pivot, 41-52. But Watts is a country which lies, psychologically, uncounted miles further than most AND from the moon – remains tied to liberatory, decolonial projects on earth.
Private space appropriation as worldmaking isn't value neutral but is an apparatus of white science – scaling from cosmic elite and unequal IR, there is always someone left behind.
Stockwell 20 ~Samuel Stockwell (Research Project Manager, the Annenberg Institute at Brown University). "Legal 'Black Holes' in Outer Space: The Regulation of Private Space Companies". E-International Relations. Jul 20 2020. Accessed 12/7/21. https://www.e-ir.info/2020/07/20/legal-black-holes-in-outer-space-the-regulation-of-private-space-companies/Xu~ The US government's support for private space companies is also likely to lead to the AND private shareholders at the expense of the vast majority of the global population.
The project of white science is that of erasure – blackness is rendered underthought and invisible in the name of progress and worldmaking. Your ballot should ask – what other possibilities exist?
Murillo'16 (John Murillo III is a PhD student in the English department at Brown University, and a graduate of the University of California, Irvine, with bachelor's degrees in Cognitive Science and English. His research interests are broad, and include extensive engagements with and within: Black Studies–particularly Afro-Pessimism–Narrative Theory; Theoretical Physics; Astrophysics; Cosmology; and Neuroscience. "Quantum Blackanics: Untimely Blackness, and Black Literature Out of Nowhere" 2016 pgs. 146-151) NAE - reps matter – interrogate underlying I quote her at length to express the full AND also better frame our understanding of the possibilities afforded us by being lost.
White science necessitates a sovereign subject of mastery and individualization that creates international necro-zones of racialized sacrifice – the subject of IR theory depends on an asymmetrical segregated order of nation states.
Agathangelou 11 ~Anna M. Agathangelou (political scientist from York University in Toronto. She is the co-director of Global Change Institute, Cyprus and was a visiting fellow in the Program of Science, Technology and Society at John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard). "Bodies to the Slaughter: Global Racial Reconstructions, Fanon's Combat Breath, and Wrestling for Life". Somatechnics, March 2011, vo. 1, No. 1 : pp. 209-248. Accessed 1/22/22. https://www.euppublishing.com/doi/full/10.3366/soma.2011.0014recut Xu~ Fanon scales colonisation to the level of the slave and colonised body. He illustrates AND the nation as whole with scorn and contempt' (Fanon 1967d: 98).
Thus, I affirm Resolved: The appropriation of outer space by private entities is unjust. Spec and definitions in doc.
Entity is "Legally, equal to a person who might owe taxes. A generic term inclusive of person, partnership, organization, or business. An entity can be legally bound. An entity is uniquely identifiable from any other entity."
Against the will of private entities to appropriate outer space, we reject the regime of property as the white science of logistics.
Moten and Harney, 21 (Fred Moten, Professor of Performance Studies for the Tisch School of the Arts at NYU, PhD in English from UC Berkeley, 2020 MacArthur Genius Fellow, Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management for the Lee Kong Chian School of Business at Singapore Management University, PhD in Social and Political Sciences from the University of Cambridge, co-founder of Ground Provisions—a curatorial collective, founder of the School for Study—a nomadic study collective, 2021, All Incomplete, pp 13-18) gz The first theft shows up as rightful ownership. This is the theft of fleshly, earth(l)y life, which is then incarcerated in the body. But the body, it turns out, is just the first principal-agent problem. The body is just an overseer, a factor, a superintendent for the real landlord, the real owner, the individual, in his noxious, heavy-handed conceptuality. The legal term for this principal-agent problem is mind. In this regard, the designation 'mind/body problem' is a synecdochal redundancy in abstraction rather than an entanglement, or even an opposition, of anima and matter, mama and soul. There's this formulation that Robert Duncan gets from Erwin Schrödinger that helps a certain disordering along. Schrödinger says "living matter evades the decay to equilibrium." Well, if Proudhon is right, and slavery, murder, robbery, and property are a unit; if the general regime of private property is most accurately understood as social death; then what if death/private property is that equilibrium of which Schrödinger speaks? What John Donne speaks of by way of God's sovereign capacity to preserve is a problem that will have been meant to solve a problem; and when Schrödinger speaks of evading the decay to equilibrium, he isn't saying that all decay is bad. Corruption is our (accursed) share, our antological practice, our eccentric centering, as M.C. Richards might say. How we evade ownership/equilibrium is given precisely in that refusal to prevent loss that we call sharing, rubbing, empathy, hapticality: the undercommon love of flesh, our essential omnicentric or anacentric eccentricity. Every thing, in the wake of such disordering, is loss prevention. John Locke creates the tabula rasa as a container for properties – properties of the mind, and properties owned by the propertied mind. Self-knowledge is self-possession and self-positioning in Locke. His accumulation process is auto-location, because one can't help but settle for that. From the first moment, which appears to keep happening all the time, all property is posited, beginning with the positing/positioning of a body for locating ownership, and the owned, and a mind for owning. The posit and the deposit inaugurate ownership as incorporation, whose inevitable end, given in continual withdrawal, is loss. This requires the production of a science of loss, which is to say the science of whiteness, or, logistics. Every acquisition, every improvement, is an ossification of sharing. This ossification is given in and as containment. The first odious vessel produced by and for logistics is not the slave ship, but the body – flesh conceptualized – which bears the individual-in-subjection. A profound viciousness begins with this colonization of the posited body, the appointment of the posited mind, and the manipulation – in various modalities of brutality – of their mutually enveloping redundancy, given in the dead perpetual motion of the will to colonize. This enclosure, this settlement, will be repeated because it must be repeated. Every slave will have been every time the mirror in which the self, in seeing itself, comes into existence in and as itself, which is an omnicidal fantasy. Locke invents the derivative here, a degraded part of the accursed share that is poised to draw on the power of this share, but only to create more derivatives, to create more zones of dispossession by positing possession, in the denial of loss that prepares for loss. All property is loss because all property is the loss of sharing. In its willfulness, property is theft; but beyond the murderousness that would attend theft-in-acquisition one mind/body at a time, the theft in question here is absolute serial murder, which we survive only insofar as all property remains vulnerable to sharing. This is to say nothing other than that all property is fugitive. It flees from its own positing, runs from being-deposited. All (property) jumps bail. Sharing, exhaustion, expending, derivation will have been contained and congealed in the measurable and accountable individual unit of the derivative. But sharing is our means, the earth's means in us and our means in earth. Logistics would seem to value means over ends – everything is how to get it there, not what it is – but logistics is really the degradation of means, the general devaluation of means through individuation and privatization, which are the same thing. It is the science of lost means advanced with every act of loss prevention.
We affirm the normative statement but our analysis isn't separate from the broader framework of fugitive science – the anti-Black technologies of space exploration isn't limited to whiteness, but is radically retooled toward a shadow archive of blurred lines and assemblages.
Murillo 19 ~Brackets Original. Dr. John Murillo III (Assistant Professor of African American Studies at the University of California, Irvine. His primary research interests are Black speculative fiction, critical theory, quantum mechanics, and popular media). "Review: Fugitive Science: Empiricism and Freedom in Early African American Culture, by Britt Rusert". Vol. 5 No. 1 (2019): Special Section on Crip Technoscience. Catalyst Journal. Apr 1, 2019. Accessed 1/4/22. https://catalystjournal.org/index.php/catalyst/article/view/30498/24698Xu~ So we begin here and at a bit of length because this kind of narrative of experimentation and research done unseen, in the margins and between the lines, warrants revisiting after reading Britt Rusert's profoundly illuminating Fugitive Science: Empiricism and Freedom in Early African American Culture. Rusert chronicles what she describes as a shadow archive—a history that lurks behind, undergirds, and complicates the dominant archive—of "African American science writing ~and cultural production~ in the antebellum period" (2017, p. 8), and she she calls this archive fugitive science. Fugitive science describes a heterogeneous, innovative, resistant, "dynamic and diverse archive of engagements with, critiques of, and responses to" (p. 4) the antiblack racial science that proliferated the antebellum episteme, and it expands the definition of science to include forms of praxis and experimentation typically, and often deliberately, unrecognized as science: conjuring, performance, astrology, mysticism, mesmerism, and imaginative speculation. Citing Michel Foucault's The Order of Things: An Archaeology of rhe Human Sciences, Rusert charactizes fugitive science as a "counter-science," (p. 6) one undergirded by a "subterranean politics and furtive insurgency" (p. 17) aimed at appropriating, confronting, mocking, or otherwise destabilizing the logics of the racial science of the antebellum period and its political and ideological echoes in eras beyond. It is a science of the "unthought" (Hartman and Wilderson, 2003) that innovates from the outside margins of history or in between the lines of the archive; it describes a set of "ongoing experiments in freedom, radical empiricisms" (p. 20) that refuse the normative constrictions and often deathly, antiblack consequences of what would typically be recognized as scientific inquiry. Irreducible to any one form of thought production (from writing to visual art to performance), it treats science—and knowledge writ large—as an "assemblage of different fields and practices that could" and should "be dismantled, reassembled, and redirected" (p. 132) toward Black thought's work of "imagining the unimaginable" (Sharpe, 2014, p. 59): liberation from, or the end of, the antiblack world. In that way, Rusert's fugitive science is alchemical: from base elements marshaled from countless arenas of thought and experience, fugitive scientists such as Benjamin Banneker, Henry Box Brown, Martin R. Delaney, Sarah Mapps Douglass, and even Brenda Smith, my grandmother, Blacken and transmute an altogether radical unique, and "unthinkable" scientific practice. Rusert categorizes three forms of fugitive science, but the lines between them blur and even disappear from case to case—it is, after all, a radically dynamic form of knowledge production; moving through the text, one might do well to also consider these forms to be like frequencies on which all fugitive science articulates. The oppositional frequency of fugitive science describes work done to intervene explicitly into scientific discourses, especially those that reinforced the ruling, antiblack episteme. Works operating on the practical frequency attempted to instrumentalize science and technology in ways that could help advance the project of emancipation. And finally, the speculative frequency of fugitive science wields the imaginative richness of scientific inquiry to explore the limits, conditions of possibility, and revolutionary potential of Black existence. Throughout her chronicling of the history and genealogy of fugitive science, Rusert reveals the fluidity of these forms, the ease with which an individual figure, work, or exchange may articulate on one or more of these frequencies at once. As examples, Benjamin Banneker's confrontations with Thomas Jefferson over Jefferson's infamous Notes on the State of Virginia locate the oppositional origin point for Rusert's history of fugitive science. Banneker's extensive critiques of Jefferson and those that followed in their wake—like James McCune Smith's essays—act as intentionally and predominantly oppositional works meant to intervene against racial science. On another frequency, Martin R. Delany's novel, Blake; or, The Huts of America, weaves a speculative history and future of revolutionary movement and organization that marshals both practical astronomical knowledge and metaphysical rumination. A work of more remarkably varied frequencies, Rusert reads Delany's novel as aiming to radically destabilize the boundaries between metaphysical mysticism and science, and to provide information that could all advance the cause of Black liberation in and beyond the antebellum period. And on still another frequency, the little-known teachings and lectures on physiology of Sarah Mapps Douglass, which she offered almost exclusively to Black women and young girls, indirectly offers a response to "the forms of experimental science that exploited ~Joice~ Heth, ~Sarah~ Baartman, and countless other women of African descent in the nineteenth-century Atlantic world" (p. 185), where Black women were (and are) subject to layer of violent erasure that render(ed) them the "mute experimental subjects of nineteenth century science" (p. 181). Further, Douglass's lectures operate on a lower frequency than the other subjects of Rusert's texts, a frequency of the lapses silences of the unavailable archive—muted, censored, displaced, or forgotten into unavailability—necessitating speculation in the form of inferences, like stitches, drawn from the limited records Rusert is able to collect. In this way, Douglass also responds to the longue dureé of the deliberate and casual erasure of Black women from the still unfolding history and genealogy of fugitive science. Each work, moment, and exchange of fugitive science encapsulates a dynamic expression announcing anew the defiant, creative, and uncontainable project of Black freedom on multiple frequencies. Essential to fully tuning into the frequencies of these and the many fugitive scientists of Rusert's study—and of Rusert's study itself as well—is an attention to the grand questions about and implications for Black knowledge production and critical, creative thought that her chronicle compels us to (re)consider. As and after we read Fugitive Science, we must rethink the ways we define, recognize, and take seriously science, critique, resistance, and knowledge itself. After encountering the variable frequencies and forms fugitive science takes, how can we delimit what constitutes scientific inquiry? How might we better tune to the lower frequencies of intellectual and creative endeavors that we otherwise miss, that are rendered inaudible, or that we would normally disallow from being truly engaged as knowledge? Like I have been compelled to do, both at the outset of these remarks and in my own research, we might begin by radically reconsidering our encounters with the alternative, vexing, sometimes fraught fragments of experimentation, research, and speculation that comprise the vast, varied, and still-unfolding archive of Black thought. We might search the silences and lower frequencies for those articulations of Black innovation that fugitively traverse the static. We must, then, innovate an alternative form of reading and listening that will enable us to find what we, prior to reading this text, did not know we would do well to seek. Only then might the full expression of Fugitive Science and all its lessons from the antebellum period enable us to continue and advance the revolutionary struggle against racist science and its ripples in the contemporary moment.
View the 1AC as an act of Planning, not Policy – instead of forcing normative outcomes via spaces of study, you should affirm acts of self-preservation within educational spaces.
Greer 18, G. H. "Who Needs the Undercommons? Refuge and Resistance in Public High Schools." Brock Education: A Journal of Educational Research and Practice 28.1 (2018): 5-18. (Concordia University (Canada), Art Education Department, Graduate Student.)Elmer Planning While study in the undercommons is a sociality that provides refuge, joy, and resilience, planning is the ongoing process of resistance which protects study. In the terms of complexity theory, planning creates the conditions for study to emerge. Planning defends study, for example, by attending to methods, when economic forces are oriented toward outcomes. In such a case, study thrives in the fascination required to build a car from scratch but is extinguished by a production line. Planning may then take the form of activism against the process of de-skilling workers. Generally, study is in trouble where labour is detached from purpose, discovery, and agency; and planning poses resistance to such divisions. Resistance may take a passive form like absenteeism or an active form like student strikes; it is an ongoing social experiment. The subjects of difference who inhabit the undercommons initiate planning in support of further difference: "planning in the undercommons is not an activity, not fishing or dancing or teaching or loving, but the ceaseless experiment with the future presence of the forms of life that make such activities possible" (Harney and Moten, 2013, p. 74). Importantly, "~p~lanning is self-sufficiency at the social level, and it reproduces in its experiment not just what it needs, life, but what it wants, life in difference…" (p. 76). Planning resists the austerity of conformity. Difference may bring the concept of diversity to mind for social justice educators. There are a number of distinctions between the difference that propels planning in the undercommons and diversity as it is understood in the field of education. Social justice education organized around diversity involves "eliminating the injustice created when differences are sorted and ranked in a hierarchy that unequally confers power…" (Adams, Bell, Goodman, and Joshi, 2016, p. 3, emphasis in original). In this sense, equitable diversity is an end goal that is, significantly, often supported by the implementation of policy. Planning, on the other hand, is a process, rather than an outcome, that resists policy, as explained below. Planning appears distorted, if at all, from the commons where the rules are made: "Because from the perspective of policy it is too dark in there, in the black heart of the undercommons, to see" (Harney and Moten, 2013, p. 79). Planning may become invisible or appear criminal in the light. Historical examples of such distortions are plentiful. The Freedom Riders were planning in 1961, boarding buses into their own brutalization to desegregate the southern United States; in the light of curricular history, Freedom Riders disappear and are replaced by parliamentary motions. There was planning at the Stonewall Riots in June of 1969 when homeless queer kids led by trans women of colour revolted against police brutality; the political necessity of Stonewall disappears in the parade lights of Pride every year on its own anniversary. Planning made visible but distorted is apparent in current events in the criminalization of self-preservation: from immigration (Ackerman and Furman, 2013), to activism (Matthews and Cyril, 2017; Alonso, Barcena, and Gorostidi, 2013), to panhandling (Chesnay, 2013). Educators who wish to see the planning of the undercommons, or to make it visible to students, must research to discover the exclusions of curriculum. When we include stories like the Stonewall Riots or the Freedom Riders in our teaching, we offer a connection to students who see their lives reflected therein. Stories of resistance to injustice, particular to local contexts, are important educational resources. In addition to these, pedagogical models which support the development and scholastic direction, of planning skills among students include: problem-based learning (Walker, Leary, Hmelo-Silver, and Ertmer, 2015), choice-based art education (Douglas, and Jaquith, 2009), critical media literacy (Funk, Kellner, and Share, 2016), and anti-oppressive education (Kumashiro, 2000). Policy From the perspective of the undercommons, policy inevitably conflicts with the forms of study and planning described above. Policy is the instrument of efficiency; it seeks measurable, predictable outcomes. The immeasurable social experiments and emerging differences of planning and study cannot be reconciled with administrative control as exercised through policy. Policy from the perspective of the undercommons operates under three rules. First, it diagnoses planners as problematic and prescribes itself as the solution; "This is the first rule of policy. It fixes others" (Harney and Moten, 2013, p. 78). Second, policy requires the participation of planners in the fixing of themselves; "Participating in change is the second rule of policy." (Harney and Moten, 2013, p. 80). In this way, participantsimplicate themselvesin order to fulfill the third rule of policy: that "wrong participation" (Harney and Moten, 2013, p. 81) provokes all manner of crises. If there is no crisis then the participant is fixed and may be deputised in order to fix others. More commonly, any crisis at all proves that policy was right about the planners all along; and of course, they were bound to fail. The circular logic of policy as viewed from the undercommons reflects what Spade (2015) calls administrative violence. Spade (2015) details a story which I relate here to clarify the operations of policy. Bianca, a trans girl, was sent home from her high school in 1999 for wearing clothing that affirmed her gender. She was not allowed to return to her classes. Bianca's parents called the school and received no response. Spade met Bianca in 2002 when she was homeless, unemployed, and attempting to leave an abusive relationship. Bianca had enrolled in a welfare work program but was outed as a trans woman by her male identification (ID). She was subsequently harassed and forced to quit, losing her income and making her ineligible for Medicaid. She became homeless, and because of her male ID she was barred from women's shelters and fearful of further abuse at shelters for men. Without an address, medical benefits, or an income Bianca was unable to complete the process to correct her ID and could not afford the hormone treatments that allowed her to maintain a feminine appearance. Bianca's ability to pass as a cisgender woman protected her on the street from further harassment by both the public and the police. In order to afford hormone injections, Bianca engaged in sex work. The injections were not regulated because they had to be obtained illegally which placed Bianca at increased risk of infection by HIV, hepatitis, and other diseases. Although Bianca's story is not recent, the factors that contributed to her difficulties are relevant: transgender youth are still significantly over-represented in groups of early school leavers, homeless youth, and survivors of violence (Morton et al., 2018; Keuroghlian, Shtasel, and Bassuk, 2014). In the language of the undercommons Bianca planned to survive by expressing her gender, but this plan was subverted by school policy, causing her not to graduate and significantly reducing her prospects for employment. Following the first rule of policy according to the undercommons, Bianca's school would not accept her attendance until she fixed her gender. Bianca then followed the second rule of policy and made attempts to become a participant. She tried to stay at shelters and enrolled in a social welfare work program. In each of these cases, she experienced the crisis of harassment. Following the third rule of policy, these crises were framed as the result of Bianca's wrong participation: she did not have the right identification. For survival, Bianca must then become a fugitive by engaging in criminalized activity: sex work and the illegal procurement of hormones. In an educational context, considering policy, according to The Undercommons, pushes educators to ask how the rules in our schools create, rather than respond to, fugitivity among students. Fugitivity Being a fugitive according to The Undercommons means being marked as an outsider. Fugitivity happens to people when: first they act, and second policy outlaws those actions. But fugitivity must also be embraced. Those who refuse the rules of policy, as outlined above, become fugitive. Fugitives will not be fixed, refuse to participate, and deny responsibility for the crises that befall them. Fugitivity recognises systemic racism, classism, ableism, and cis/heteronormativity in the disallowance of demographic-specific behaviour. It is fugitive sociality that composes the undercommons in order to provide refuge and resistance. In high schools, the undercommons provides social refuge in the form of patient listening and covert smiles to: hat wearing, cell phone texting, hall running, affection displaying, fugitive students; and granola bar giving, grade fudging, student failing, smiling before Christmas, fugitive teachers. These now-fugitive activities are planning behaviours, they sustain study for those that commit them. These things have been happening since before policy determined that education is a predictable and measurable thing. Fugitive planners generate study with unforeseeable ends and immeasurable learning. Turning planners into fugitives has some effects: ease of administration and evaluation is one; the reinforcement of unjust hierarchies is another.
The exclusive nature of worldmaking in outerspace is not a contingency struggle but a structural one – only through aesthetics and fugitivity, the social life of blackness is found, outside of law and structure.
Lloyd 20 ~Brackets original. David Lloyd (distinguished professor of English at the University of California, Riverside). "The social life of black things: Fred Moten's consent not to be a single being". Radical Philosophy. Spring 2020. Accessed 1/5/22. https://www.radicalphilosophy.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/rp207_lloyd.pdfXu~ What Moten shows us, and elaborates across consent not to be a single being, is that the terms of that double bind are intimately connected with the imagination of both subjecthood and freedom in the post-Enlightenment aesthetic tradition. The cultural productivity of those whose quotidian experience is one in which 'pain is alloyed with pleasure' constitutes a radical and thorough-going refusal of those terms, an 'affirmative refusal' ~UM 186~ that 'refuses what was refused to them', to use a phrase repeated several times throughout these essays. The black radical tradition entails 'a refusal of a polity or community structured by refusal' ~UM 90~ that turns out to be also a certain form of dissenting assent, a crucial act of consent. To refuse the poisonous gift of an autonomy or a citizenship or a right that is always withheld is also to refuse the tortured logic that apprehends racialisation – as, in one moment of his restless dialectic, Fanon does – only as the negation that installs a lack in being in the black non-subject, or as an enduring social death. As Moten puts it in a passage I want to return to, 'Taylor speaks of and out of possibilities embedded in a social life from which Fanon speaks and of which he speaks but primarily as negation and impossibility' ~UM 160~. Moten spells out at length the ways in which the performance of black music and poetic writing embody and figure the modalities of that 'social life' in a meditation on Francophone poet Édouard Glissant and jazz musician Anthony Braxton that tracks the relation of the soloist – who embodies what is elsewhere described as a 'differential integrity in and to the unit' ~UM 69~ – to the ensemble, 'in the depths of our common impasse, our common flight, and our common habitation': They allow and require us to be interested in the unlikely emergence of the unlikely figure of the black soloist, whose irruptive speech occurs not only against the grain of a radical interdiction of individuality that is manifest both as an assumption of its impossibility as well as in a range of governmental dispositions designed to prevent the impossible, but also within the context of a refusal of what has been interdicted (admission to the zone of abstract equivalent citizenship and subjectivity, whose instantiations so far been nothing but a set of pseudoindividuated aftereffects of conquests and conquest denial, a power trip to some fucked-up place in the burnt-out sun), a kind of free or freed 'personality' that will have turned out to be impossible even for the ones who are convinced they have achieved it, even as they oversee its constant oscillation between incompleteness and repair, distress and fashion. … Such refusal, such dissent, takes the form of a common affirmation, an open consensus given in the improbable, more than im/possible, consent, in Glissant's words, 'not to be a single being'. ~UM 136~ Where the Kantian aesthetic at once feelingly apprehends (in all his'black genius' ~SL32~) and yet seeks to regulate the lawless generativity of this collectively backed solo performance in the interests of a disciplined freedom and autonomy, the aesthetics of blackness follows in its fugitive, improvisatory performances not the road to freedom but a line of flight that is obviously grounded in the liberatory practices of the enslaved, but is also entirely attuned to the ruse of freedom that Hartman has called its 'encumbrance'. As she put it,'The discrepant bestowal of emancipation conferred sovereignty as it engendered subjection.'11 Moten's understanding of the articulation of the freedom drive in the politicoaesthetic imagination of blackness with the conditions of constraint and of privation, working, like Olaudah Equiano, 'between law and motion, between constraint and a privileged loss of control' ~SL 61~, is all too cognisant of the knowledge that 'Leaving, differing, stealing away, is always under the threat of interdiction, of protected theft, of mastery's protected "right" to steal, of the roguish force that is always most powerfully wielded by proper subjects and proper states' ~SL 113~. Fugitivity, then, does not escape the law, conditioned as it is by the long reach of the law that it calls forth, but no more does it embrace the sovereignty of freedom, the autonomy of the subject in its disciplined and abstracted individuated representation of the universal. Nevertheless, this 'unruly music that moves in disruptive, improvisational excess … of the very idea of the (art) work', and that is also 'the site of a certain lawless, fugitive theatricality' ~SL 111~, remains in its own peculiar relation to law, but one that exceeds any Kantian regulation of the imagination. Drawing on legal theorist Robert Cover's classic essay 'Nomos and Narrative', Moten notes that 'the fearsomeness of ungoverned generativity is held, for Kant, in the fact that what is being generated is law; that, above all, it is what Cover calls "the fecundity of the jurisgenerative principle", which is manifest as endless mutation and differentiation, that freaks him out' ~UM 115~.12 Cover's point, on which Moten so generatively elaborates, is thatjurisgenesis, the capacity to create legal meaning, exceeds the law as written and determined by any given legal system. It is, therefore, 'the problem of the multiplicity of meaning – the fact that never only one but always many worlds are created by the too fertile forces of jurisgenesis'13 that the institutions of the law are concerned to contain by imposing a single nomos, or legal order. The law seeks 'to maintain some coherence in the awesome proliferation of meaning lost as it is created – by unleashing upon the fertile but weakly organised jurisgenerative cells an organising principle itself incapable of producing the normative meaning that is life and growth'.14 The rationale for legal interpretation and for those interpretive institutions, the courts, is, accordingly, not the need for law, but the 'need to suppress law, to choose between two or more laws, to impose upon laws a hierarchy. It is the multiplicity of laws, the fecundity of the jurisgenerative principle, that creates the problem to which the court and the state are the solution.' Accordingly, '~i~nterpretation always takes place in the shadow of coercion'.15 Cover's 'jurispathic' courts, in all their implicit violence against difference and multiplicity, correspond to Kant's judgment of taste that seeks to 'clip the wings of the lawless imagination', to curtail the flights of fantasy that generate 'the awesome proliferation of meaning' that is at once fertile and ephemeral, ante- and anti-institutional. Cover's formulations prompt Moten 'to imagine something on the order of an anoriginary criminality with which blackness is inextricably linked – or to think blackness, perhaps more precisely as the paradoxically anarchic principle and expression of a jurisgenerativity that demands a reconfiguration of the very idea of law' ~SL 19~ – and, we might say by extension, of the aesthetic. 17 It's not hard to see how the fugitive nature of an unconstrained jurisgenerativity corresponds to the protocols of improvisation and the 'weakly organised cell' of the ensemble, not least as Moten goes on to characterise blackness's undoing of the law's sentence in precisely such terms: 'the improvisational para-statement – the extragrammatical run-on, that informal incompletion where the sentence lives against its own execution – continually and ubiquitously establishes itself otherwise, elsewhere and at another time, neither here nor there nor here and now, as a kind of anoriginal (declaration of) independence' ~SL 20~. That allusion to the declaration of independence affirms less the autonomy of a black life-form than a procedure, the sheer generative performativity of improvisation itself as it brings into being some new state of play out of the fugitive encounter of constraint and invention in and through the interdependence of the ensemble. Everywhere Moten insists on this performativity of a blackness that is not an ontological essence nor an originary identity but a constant process, a performativity that is necessarily non-performance insofar as it is never subjected or given over to institution, to the dismay of interpretation.17 One way to grasp the significance of this performativity of blackness is by watching how, in the passage I partially quoted above, Moten invokes Cecil Taylor's 'claim on aestheticosocial life' over and against that still Hegelian dimension of Fanon that is fascinated by the demand for recognition and haunted by its refusal: ~Taylor~ speaks not only out of but also of the lived experience of the black. This is to say that Taylor moves by way of an experience, an aesthetic sociality that Fanon can never embrace insofar as he never really comes to believe in it, even though it is the object, for Fanon, of an ambivalent political desire as well as a thing (of darkness) he cannot acknowledge as his own. In other words, Taylor speaks of and out of the possibilities embedded in a social life from which Fanon speaks and of which he speaks but primarily as negation and impossibility. ~UM 160~18 In some sense, the whole of consent not to be a single being could be seen to flow from and to this passage. Performativity, this capacity to invent out of nothing and out of the constraints that proclaim one's nothingness, is the generative cell of the 'aesthetic sociality' of blackness. Aesthetic sociality significantly shifts the terms in displacing 'the political aesthetics of enclosed common sense' and even the 'politicoaesthetic imagination' elsewhere invoked. The sociality of the aesthetic refuses the moment of individuation through which the Kantian subject of taste arrives at its universality by way of the enclosure of a common sense that proscribes the feelings on which life-in-common is predicated as 'pathological'. Aesthetic sociality, as the social life predicated on that pathological lived experience of pleasure and pain, stands – in ways understated here but that form the groundwork of the trilogy's larger critique – against the ambivalence of Fanon's precisely political desire. For the sphere of politics is the terrain of one's recognition as both citizen and autonomous subject, the domain of formal freedoms for which the Kantian aesthetic limns the conditions of possibility in that 'enclosed common sense' through which the subject finds its abstract universality. The very formulation 'social life' in itself contests the containment of black life in the dismal frame of 'social death'; Orlando Patterson's seminal formulation in his history of slavery. Not only is black life 'irreducibly social', its 'irreducibly aesthetic sociality' is an ongoing ruptural apposition to the politics of aesthetics as that has been imagined since Kant: 'black life is lived in political death or … in the burial ground of the subject by those who, insofar as they are not subjects, are also not, in the interminable (as opposed to the last) analysis, "death-bound"' ~UM 194~.19 In his extended critique of Hannah Arendt's 'degradation of sociality' in both her book-length On Violence and in her occasional essays on the civil rights movement, Moten addresses the distinction she makes between the non-public realm of the social and the valorised public realm of the political. This distinction is for Arendt troubled by what appears to her as the violence of black social movements and their claims, their irruption into what is 'the already given institutional structure' whose protection, she insists, is 'the prepolitical condition of all other, specifically political, virtues' ~UM 91, citing Arendt~.20 Arendt's emphasis on the inviolability of those 'given' political institutions of liberal society has as its obverse an overlooked and prior violation of blackness: Her yoking of that insistence to the eternally dangerous black example is nothing less than the reimposition of the obligation to consent (to one's own violation). This reimposition will have been justified insofar as refusing the obligation, however violently imposed, however unaccompanied by some reciprocal promise, is to relinquish one's claim to a polity and, therefore, to humanity. ~UM 91~ In a quite brutal inversion of the old Aristotelian adage that man is a political animal, Arendt suggests that to refuse or contest the political itself, and not merely the specific form or allowances of some political regime's given institutions, is to be something less than human. But what if the historical preference of the enslaved, whose legacy continues to inform black social life, were rather to take flight from than to accept enforced incorporation into those institutions whose freedoms are so differentially bound to enslavement? Then the mere non-violent, Bartlebeyan act of 'preferring not to' be conscripted to those institutions in the coercive name of freedom and sovereign subjecthood manifests as a mode of violence: And if the slave, in the interest of the abolition of slavery, which is understood by her not as a goal but as an ideological commitment, relinquishes that place, flees that 'home', then not only is she expelled from humanity but she is also guilty of a violence fundamental to the tacit consensus (imposed upon her in the absence of any protection of her personhood and in the oppressive fullness of its protection of her acquired thingliness) in which and from which that home is constructed. ~UM 92~ In a peculiar twist on Walter Benjamin's recognition that the state regards any nonviolent movement that chal lenges the foundations of its law as a manifestation of violence, Arendt, the political subject, 'can only understand such preference as violence'.21 Arendt's (mis)understanding is a general disposition of the political intellectual, a constitutive ignorance of the subject, one might say: Blackness as violence, in a communicability that, again, will have always already exceeded the very idea of what are imprecisely called black bodies and the bounds imposed on black people when they are constrained to bear their bodies as loss; blackness as a refusal of a polity or community structured by refusal; blackness as a form of social thought in social life is the irreducible, antifoundational danger to which legitimate American intellectual work responds. ~UM 90~ If we follow Moten's formulation of 'blackness as a form of social thought in social life' in the context of these imperiously political demands, we can see not only why black refusal, black irruption, black fugitivity, necessarily appear within and to the polity as violence, criminality, something other than humanity. We can also see that ambivalent Fanonian political desire, the desire for incorporation or assimilation (what Denise Ferreira da Silva has nicely dubbed 'engulfment', and Moten 'exclusionary assimilation' ~UM 38~),22 the desire for rights and the right to rights, the very desire for freedom, betray the subject as well as the subjected to the subjection that is their constitutive obverse. For this social life has been forged in exclusion from, 'in apposition' (to use Moten's favored phrase) to, citizenship, as 'the refusal of refused and therefore tainted citizenship' ~UM 93~. Forged thus, and forged in this domain of an imposed and 'acquired thingliness' through which the commodified human is denied even her vestigial humanity, black sociality has nothing recuperative about it; it takes oblique flight not against but to the side and in the shadow of those political ends that at times stand in for but could never realise the imaginative excess of black freedom dreams: It's not about what it is to live under the shadow of a falsifying disregard, even when it reveals a threadbare aspect of an otherwise sumptuous life of the mind; the thing is that lived, luxuriant mindfulness that such disregard brings inadvertently into relief: the collective head, the hydratic passage, the hydraulic story that is the refuge and fugue(d) state of the stateless, the refusers, the refugees, which we share in common where blackness and study are in play. ~UM 95~
Decolonial pedagogy within debate most must theorize through a lens of illegibility that counteracts the university's claim to sovereignty through counteractive fugitive science.
Brough 17 ~Taylor, University of Vermont, B.A., 2016 CEDA Nationals Champion, "Open letter to non-Black Native people in debate," https://resistanceanddebate.wordpress.com/2017/03/23/open-letter-to-non-black-native-people-in-debate/~~ I should start by saying that I think Frank Wilderson is right about the position of Native people in the US racial schema. In Red, White, and Black, he argues compellingly that Native people are situated in a liminal space between life and death—that we are haunted by the dual specters of sovereignty and genocide; that our demands occur simultaneously in a coherent register of land repatriation, land theft, and treaty rights and in an incoherent register of an incomprehensible and ongoing magnitude of massacres, rape, starvation, boarding schools, and smallpox. Wilderson's work has provided me with some of the tools to describe the gap between coherence and incoherence, a gap which is made especially evident in debate rounds. And particularly clear is that Native debate~1~ is inclined towards talking in the grammar of sovereignty rather than genocide. I am here preoccupied with our enunciative capacities in debate—with what I perceive "Native debate," and specifically non-Black Native debaters, to be doing in service of Settler/Master (mis)recognition, what the consequences of such doing might be, and what it might mean to push against the disciplining force of recognition in debate. The ontological fact of genocide/sovereignty as a dual positioning for Native people, coupled with academia's push to identify ourselves at the site of (coherent and recognizable) trauma (what Wilderson terms "intra-human conflicts"), has led Native thought in debate, broadly, to do three related things: 1) prioritize the coherent discussion of sovereign loss over one of genocide and its incoherence, 2) articulate ourselves as always in conversation with (read: traumatized by) the Settler, 3) distance ourselves from a Black/Red conversation or from Black/Red theorizing. These three moves are all antiblack in addition to being an insidious manifestation of the genocide that structures half of our (non?)being. Depressingly, if we were to historicize "Native debate," we would have to begin with a litany of non-Native debaters reading "Give Back the Land," offering sovereignty as a solution to a tragic history of genocide that relegates Native people to phobic/phillic objects of the past whose futures are in the hands of those Settlers who bravely dare to talk about them. The terrain in which everyone can become Native—or at least become an advocate for Natives—is a cleared landscape produced by genocide but also, significantly, produced by antiblack slavery.~2~ This history of non-Native debaters' representations of sovereignty, land repatriation, and treaty rights as the only solution to genocide also reaches into the present. What is most disturbing to me about this ongoing history is that we have yet to tie virtually any debate round to actual, material land repatriation, sovereign gains, or the upholding of treaty rights. These material gains involve labor from Native people organizing at the grassroots level, not an academic labor from Settlers. Debate arguments do not facilitate sovereign benefits for Native peoples. Further, the struggle for sovereignty itself does not overcome or solve genocide. The removal of the Hunkpapa Lakota Oyate and their relatives at the Oceti Sakowin camp at Standing Rock should be proof enough of this—sovereignty as a politic is often met with, rather than resolving, genocidal violence. Non-Black Native people in debate have performed a similar land-based politic. Native debate has become so associated with words like "land," "sovereignty," "space," "place," "treaty rights," and others, that it is almost impossible to theorize Native debate absent sovereignty as a grammar that marks our existence. So both non-Native debaters (who claim to advocate for Native peoples' sovereignty) and Native debaters (who claim to advocate for something that usually falls into the grammar of sovereignty) are talking in essentially the same register, with incredibly limited slippage towards genocide as a vector of violence. And, for Native people, like non-Natives, debate arguments do not and cannot facilitate the material elements of decolonization that these land-based arguments frequently rely upon.~3~ ~Footnote 3: There are clearly significant differences between Native people's arguments in favor of sovereignty and those of Settlers. But the Native debaters who claim to solve sovereignty or material decolonization are also often misrepresenting and misrecognizing the history of struggle for sovereignty or treaty rights within our various nations. It is, in fact, the similarity in these misrepresentations and misrecognitions between Settlers and Native people that is disturbing to me here, and worthy of theorizing.~ Sovereign gains don't happen in debate rounds, but for some reason the (mis)recognition of Native enunciation as sovereignty persists, in that the word "land" harkens to Native debate in almost every instance, that almost every debate involving Native people reading perceptibly "Native" arguments includes a discussion of "treaties" or "sovereignty" or "land-based pedagogy" or "spatiality." What other reason could this be than a structure of desire around recognition from the Settler/Master? If we really follow the history of how "Nativeness" has been misrepresented in debate by Settlers, it becomes clear that much of contemporary Native debate, strangely (or as I argue, not so strangely), mimics these misrepresentations. Of course, debate is an economy of (mis)recognition. That "Native" becomes coextensive with "land" in debate is no accident. It is an enunciation that has been evoked prior to the involvement of any Native debaters or coaches. And it is reiterated by non-Black Native debaters with increasing certainty about the truthiness of Native relationships to the land. Systematically absent from this conversation, of course, is a discussion of genocide. I have gestured above towards the ways that the desire for recognition from the Settler/Master motivates this conceptual move towards the register of sovereignty. As Wilderson writes, "The crowding out, or disavowal, of the genocide modality ~by the sovereign modality~ allows the Settler/'Savage' struggle to appear as a conflict rather than as an antagonism. This has therapeutic value for both the 'Savage' and the Settler: the mind can grasp the fight, conceptually put it into words. To say, 'You stole my land and pilfered and appropriated my culture' and then produce books, articles, and films that travel back and forth along the vectors of those conceptually coherent accusations is less threatening to the integrity of the ego, than to say, 'You culled me down from 19 million to 250,000.'"~4~ This gesture towards conceptual coherence and therapeutic value is why there is a celebrated and ongoing association between "land" and "Native" in both non-Native argumentation and in arguments made by Native people. It is why we cannot theorize about Native debate absent the contingent register of sovereignty. I am hesitant to claim that sovereignty should be completely abandoned as an analytic for obvious reasons—I think Wilderson also gives credit to indigenous conceptions of sovereignty, what it unseats, and how it operates, while still articulating a critique of sovereignty unrivaled by much of Native studies. I am not interested in suggesting that all Native people ignore our peoples' land relationships or histories of broken treaties as politic throughout the United States or the world. I agree with Qwo-Li Driskill's suggestion, alongside similar ones from other Native theorists, that sovereignty must be re-theorized significantly rather than echoing the propertied enterprise that confers legibility to state formations. Regardless of my reluctance to disavow the potential for sovereignty as a politic outside debate rounds, I think it is obvious that sovereignty in its terms in debate—as a recognized and fundamentally "Native" utterance—is genocidal and anti-Black. Broadly, my argument is that genocide is an undertheorized arm of an antagonism that halfway positions Native people, and that the basis of such undertheorization is the desire to be (mis)recognized as nearly-Human by the Settler. This claim invites an investigation of the context of (mis)recognition in debate and what is particular about debate itself with regard to Wilderson's theory of position. Debate is inevitably a space of recognition, coherence, and transparency. It seeks to uncover, make clear, and expand consciousness more than it promises to occlude, hide, or make incoherent. This condition of debate is significant not because that makes it different from the rest of the academy, or the rest of civil society, but because it offers a specific situation from which to apply the critique of recognition. In the age of academic identity politics, the identification of the self as a subject of trauma has emerged as the primary locus of (recognizable) enunciation. Many who are familiar with Eve Tuck's work have read her critical analysis on the academy's demand for damage-centered narratives and the kinds of traumatized neoliberal subjectivity they produce—as those who are continually indebted to a parasitic regime of recognition. When this critique is applied in debate, it frequently targets identity-politics models of intervention in academia which posit the traumatized subject as a primary locus of critique. For example, many of the ableism debates I've judged contained arguments locked entirely in this register—where the traumatized subject is itself offered as a structural analytic in a manner that is always parasitic on Blackness. Teams who read arguments that they refer to as "disability pessimism" and describe disability as a form of "ontological death" often go on to claim that no change has come from reading critical arguments in debate and that we should be pessimistic about the ability for debate to become more inclusive of disabled people. This is, at best, an appropriation of Afropessimism based on a reductive reading of Black debate. Significantly, the misrecognition of Black debate that is rearticulated through "disability pessimism" also includes the secondary claim that critical argumentation has not produced shifts in the institutional schema of debate. But "disability pessimism" would not exist without Black debate. You can't bite Afropessimism and then disavow the intellectual labor of Black people as the condition of possibility for your argument. Worse still, "things have never changed in debate for disabled people," is not an advocacy. It is just a recognized enunciation of the trauma of degraded subjectivity. In this example, the degraded subject masquerades trauma as analysis while occluding structural phenomena. They merely say, "The world is a horrible and traumatizing place for me, therefore listen to me reiterate my trauma." And more often than not, as Eve Tuck writes, "All we are left with is the damage."~5~ These so-called interventions posited by identity politicians are ineffective in that they fail to provide a solution to a problem that they have misidentified because of their own egoistic (contingent) investments. In other words, identity politics doesn't work because it is antiblack. Identity politics is only interested in iterating a degraded subject as fundamentally innocent of violence, ethical, and on the right side of history at all times, because of that person's experience of a (contingent, as opposed to gratuitous) violence. Identity politics that have pushed us all to identify ourselves based on our traumas accrue, for Native people, in intra-communal policing strategies that use trauma as a site of authenticity—and authenticity as a foundational, genocidal gloss for identification. In many ways, this conversation about position begs a question of indigenous authenticity in debate—who is and is not really Native is a question fraught with centuries of historical baggage. And it carries weight in debate because the epistemic terrain of "indigenous scholarship" or "Native thought" demands a conversation about embodiment and experience as instantiations of the ontological. For Native people, the debate around authenticity is structured by a debate about blood quantum—or more accurately, blood quantum is one of the many genocidal registers through which we can understand the subject/object formation of the Native. Genocide and sovereignty are the co-constitutive registers determining Native position as being in/out of the world in the first instance. As Eve Tuck describes, those who are traumatized are seen as having truly lived. Trauma and authenticity slip between each other as discourses which authorize us to enunciate a "Native" experience, one that is apparently generalizable to experiences far beyond our own, and one that tends to be used in service of the land-based arguments about sovereignty that I have thoroughly critiqued above. The competitive space of debate exacerbates such trends. The slippage between trauma and authenticity is so real for us (perhaps because of the depth of genocide as a specter and its haunting gratuitous continuance) that it has become an easy disciplinary mechanism for creating affective investments in white racial kinship. In other words, Native people are still relying on Settler/Master regimes of recognition that can confer validation for certain (coherent) traumas. So you have a few Native people who are already insecure about whether or not we are indigenous enough, who seek to prove our authenticity by articulating it in the terms of trauma. But, under the structure I've described above, such trauma can only authorize our authenticity insofar as it can be made coherent to white judges in order to receive their validation and value! For many non-Black Native people in debate, this apparently justifies the slippage away from Blackness and the prioritizing of antiblack racial anxieties over an actual conversation about ontology and modernity. In other words, in an instance of identity politics, where trauma must be isolable, human, subjectified, and coherent in order to be validated as authenticity by the Settler/Master, sovereignty gets the job done in a way genocide does not. Again, it is the assumption that recognition by the Settler/Master is favorable, or even necessary, that motivates Native people's investments in arguments about land, space, place, sovereignty, and treaties. It is also this assumption that facilitates the false move to authenticity (false in that it is only given coherence by a genocidal and antiblack apparatus of recognition). Native people have been (mis)recognized by the Settler/Master since Taino peoples were met with Columbus' genocidal misrecognitions in 1492. Much of this (mis)recognition rests on the incoherence of genocide. "Genocide is not a name for violence in the way that 'arson' is; genocide is a linguistic placeholder connoting that violence which out-strips the power of connotation. To represent it we have to dismantle it, pretend that we can identify its component parts, force a name into its hole—macrocytes, spur cells, kidneys at half-throttle, a thoroughly ulcerated stomach, Wounded Knee, Sand Creek—and make it what it is not, the way one fills the tucked sleeve of a one-armed boy. But these fillers, these phantom limbs of connotation, can only be imagined separately, and as such they take on the ruse of items that science, love, aesthetics, or justice—some form of symbolic intervention—can attend to and set right. They become treatable, much like the massacre at Wounded Knee were it not for the fact that to comprehend Wounded Knee, three hundred-plus men, women, and children in a snow-filled ravine, one must comprehend those three hundred synchronically over three thousand miles (the forty-eight contiguous states) and diachronically over five hundred years. Here, madness sets in and the promises of symbolic intervention turn to dust. We are returned to the time and space of no time and space, the 'terminal.'"~6~ The magnitude of this hole—the impossibility of representing or narrativizing how genocide as a modality continues to position not just Native peoples but the extent to which it is a structural principle of modernity itself—is not easy. It is certainly not as easy to articulate in a debate round as sovereign loss is, nor is it as easy for Settlers to hear. In order to no longer occlude the emergence of Red/Black theorizing in debate, non-Black Native people in debate must begin speaking in the register of incoherence, which demands engaging conceptually and argumentatively with Black people in debate. The avoidance of such a conversation (or series of conversations) can only be rooted in antiblackness and will only reproduce antiblackness. While Native people can be recognized by the Settlers we are talking to in the register of sovereignty, structurally, Black people (including people who are Black and Native) have no such register at the level of ontology. "Whereas Humans exist on some plane of being and thus can become existentially present through some struggle for, of, or through recognition, Blacks cannot reach this plane."~7~ The simultaneous coherence and incoherence of the "Savage" position has thus far led non-Black Native people collectively to invest ourselves in antiblack kinship relations in debate that refuse to speak to or with Black people except when using them as a scapegoat to gain recognition from the Settler/Master institution of debate. This is because, more often than not, non-Black Native debaters are only tasked with talking to Settlers. I don't mean this in terms of whether we have white friends—I mean argumentatively and conceptually, our work is creating a Settler/Native binary that conspicuously erases and systematically under-theorizes Blackness, antiblackness, slavery/prison, and Black people. Too many non-Black Native debaters don't even have an answer to the question of whether Black people are Settlers. That there are Native debaters who feel ambiguous about this question at all suggests the rootedness of Native debate in antiblackness. It is beyond the scope of this letter to offer specific critiques of the myriad of (inadequate) ways that many non-Black Native scholars claim to "position" "Blackness," but it is overwhelmingly true that their discussion of antiblackness consistently describes it as a system of racial identification subservient to settler colonialism. In debate, however, this neglects the indebtedness of non-Black Native debaters to the intellectual and argumentative labor of Black debaters, coaches, and judges. In other words, to reduce antiblackness in debate to a system of racial identification subsumed structurally by settler colonialism is ahistorical, given that it has been the work of Black people in debate that has made Native debate possible at all, as tenuous and numerically small as we are. Why, then, are non-Black Native people in debate so invested in describing settler colonialism as the sole matrix of power under which violence operates? Much of this scholarship (Eve Tuck's work, Jodie Byrd's, and other similar texts from Native studies) critiques integrationist elements of Black studies as seeking inclusion in the national project—but Afropessimism broadly, and Wilderson's work specifically, is far from integrationist. To my knowledge (which is extensive but obviously not exhaustive when it comes to Native debate), non-Black Native debaters have been largely unwilling to contend with the thesis of Wilderson's book, even when reading other scholars who allege disagreement with him, as most of these scholars do, from the vantage point of sovereignty. A coherent conversation with the Settler about sovereignty in debate is unlikely to challenge the (mis)recognition that leads to the high level of politicization around who is really Native and who is not. Similarly, the numeric lack of Native people in debate, as a function of genocide itself, makes it difficult to articulate what Native resistance has been, is going to be, or even what it is doing right now. Rather than an aspirational politic that suggests we should culturally infuse debate with indigeneity (the implicit endpoint of many of these conversations about "decolonization" which are ultimately revivalist and inclusionist attempts related to Native spiritual or cultural practices), there is an (under-theorized) incoherence to our position that I believe should motivate us to enter into the fraught terrain of Red/Black theorizing. Nothing Native is happening in debate—not that there are not Native people in debate, but I do not believe debate is a space that we should aspire to "indigenize," "decolonize," or anything in that register. In debate, Native people are misrecognized, whether through technologies of capture like blood quantum mythologies, misreadings of indigenous cosmologies, or genocidal imaginations of Noble Savages. Fuck non-Black non-Native people who are structurally responsible for those misrecognitions. To the degree that recognition is inevitable in debate, I think many of us are pushed by our coaches, debate partners, by those who judge us, and by civil society more broadly, to articulate ourselves within those frames in order to authenticate ourselves. This is my analysis of trauma politics above. How does the register of authenticity change when we are talking to someone other than the Settler/Master and their junior partners? I believe it changes significantly. I believe that for Native debate to a) increase meaningful Native participation in debate,~8~ b) attend to the irreconcilable genocidal question that for us always undergirds sovereignty but can never be coherent in the way that sovereignty and land loss can, and c) attend to social death and the non-position of the Black, it is imperative that we stop talking to and for white people argumentatively. (Mis)recognition is inevitable in a communicative and performative space like debate. Therefore, we have to make decisions about whose recognitions we will orient ourselves towards, how we want to be recognized, and by whom. Structurally, non-Black Native people have not been talking to Black people because many of us refuse to be authorized by the ethical dilemmas of accumulation and fungibility that attend Blackness.~9~ There are, for example, many non-Black Native people who express ressentiment about Black debate—that Black debate has not made space for Native debate, as if that was the obligation of Black debaters and coaches, or as if Black debate by virtue of its very existence has not made space for Native debate, or as if Settler/Master debate does not owe argumentative space to Native people. It is disturbing that non-Black Native people tend to express major grievances with Black debate, or with Resistance or Wilderson or Afropessimism (all coded as Black debate), rather than with Settler/Master debate, including the debaters, coaches, judges, and practices that attend to its institutional form. Further, it is clear from the argumentative content of much of Native debate— not merely the systematic absencing and/or undertheorizing of Black people from those theoretical angles, which itself should disprove them, but also the primary focus being sovereign restoration, treaty reconciliation, or the return of indigenous lands (usually meaning all of Turtle Island)—that antiblackness is endemic to its ongoing function. That so many people reading arguments about treaty rights, land repatriation, or decolonization have not found an answer to the question "What happens to Black people when the land is returned?" is very telling about the anti-Black investments that attend enunciations of sovereignty in debate. That there are Native people in debate who continue to insist that Black people are positioned as Settlers when all evidence points to the contrary (though this is not to suggest that individual Black people cannot invest themselves in settlerist nation-building projects), is antiblack and inadequate scholarship that cannot forefront a theory of position.
Interp: debaters must locally record their speeches
Violation: They didn't record, that was cx
Cheating – debaters can fake internet drop offs and then steal prep which decks reciprocity. O/Ws since it destroys competitive incentives and educational value.
Audio quality – wifi can drop which can causes flowing errors which makes rounds irresolvable and o/ws since the judge says on their paradigm to record. It controls the internal link to functional debates
Interp: The neg debater must read and delineated and advocacy text in the 1nc
1~ Reciprocity – causes a 2:1 skew since you can read plan-flaw or textual nibs while I can't generate offense on your advocacy – reciprocity o/ws
A~ its definitional fairness
B~ Quantifiable – it's the only way to verify abuse
2~ Shiftiness –Absent a stable text neg a moving target since they can go for permiss, or converse or a floating pik – o/ws on reversibility since its game over in the 2n
CX doesn't check
A~ Solvency – judges are more likely to flow speeches the CX which o/ws on prob
B~ spec infinitely regressive means we would be stuck clarifying in CX which wrecks substantive clarification.
C~ norming – speech-docs are written but cross-ex is extemp, people could misspeak, misunderstand or forget, esp for novices
No new 2nr responses
Advantage
1AR
1AC vs Policy
Content Warning – Mentions of panic, depression, suicide, and meaninglessness of life
Part 1 is Performance
The drone of the days: soothing in one phase, grating in another
Anxiety replaces comfort
Or maybe it lurked there all along
Lives in mirrors are more fragile than they appear
Gaze long enough and it's not the glass that breaks
(Chad Shomura, "The Bad Good Life: On The Politics of Impasse", 2016)
All debate is performance but this particular poem is meaningless and doesn't implicate the flow
Part 2 is Method
Welcome to the simulacrum of learning, an educational hall of mirrors in which all forms of knowledge are diluted to the point of non-recognition – once a site for the holistic development of the human psyche, education has reduced to a banal and homogenous machine in which all individuals are molded into passive, hyper-rational actors – this tragic process of standardization strips all classrooms of education, students of learning, and teachers of teaching, leaving a rotting carcass of knowledge where the university once stood
Rankin 16. William, explorer in emerging pedagogies and mobile learning activist, 9/11, "Beyond Modern Education: Simulacra and Simulation," https://unfoldlearning.net/2016/09/11/beyond-modern-education-2/ RECUT CHO "The real is produced from miniaturized cells, matrices, and memory banks, AND new kind of language — a new form of signification — to succeed.
It is through this precession of codification that the Code arises as a system of signification – a mode of social organization premised upon the erasure of symbolic exchange in favor of absolute transparency within the socius. Within the code, all difference is decided, reduced to information, and exchanged seamlessly as the very texture of being is eradicated from the body
Pawlett 13. William Pawlett, senior lecturer in media, communications, and cultural studies at the University of Wolverhampton, UK, Violence, Society and Radical Theory : Bataille, Baudrillard and Contemporary Society, pg. 132 RECUT CHO Baudrillard on Hatred and Difference In recent sociological literature, hatred is understood as the AND be indifferent to the other because it is through indifference that we tolerate.
The will to reality is the generative point of violence. The attempt to sublimate the pure Evil of irrationality and mystery terminates in its opposite, creating implosive violence against the vestiges of singularity – the communicative form of information devours its own content, amassing evidence while only making the world more unreal. Instead, we need to relocate the nexus of global violence from particular geopolitical events to the representational domain.
Artrip and Debrix 14. Ryan E. Artrip, Doctoral Student, ASPECT, Virginia Polytechnic Institute, and Francois Debrix, professor of political science at Virginia Polytechnical Institute, "The Digital Fog of War: Baudrillard and the Violence of Representation," Volume 11, Number 2 (May, 2014) RECUT CHO Such an expectation about the ontological "location" of the objects, subjects, AND immune systems and our capacities to resist" (2003; our italics).
Modern academia is grounded in the drive toward rationality contingent on the total transparency of the self and outside world, feeding the global fantasy of efficient communication and subject formation contingent on the complete eradication of radical alterity. This nature demands instead a fatal strategy, a conceptual suicide that pushes the logic of the system to the point of systemic implosion
Hoofd 10. Assistant Professor in the Communications and New Media Programme at the National University of Singapore, "The accelerated university: Activist-academic alliances and simulation of thought," Ephemera Journal, vol. 10 no. 1 Recut CHO But far from an 'a-disciplinary self-constitution' that supposedly overcomes any AND activist-research projects hopefully invite alterity can thankfully not yet be thought.
The role of debaters is to engage in hyperconformity – the only option is a radical mimicry of the forms of the system, accelerating them to the point of their obvious vacuity, proving the limit point of the system is paradoxically its own elimination. We affirm this strategy of duality and reversibility in a moment of semiotic rupture, maintaining the possibility of mystery and radical alterity
Pawlett 14. William Pawlett, senior lecturer in media, communications, and cultural studies at the University of Wolverhampton, UK, "Society At War With Itself," International Journal of Baudrillard Studies, Volume 11, Number 2 (May, 2014) Recut CHO It all depends on the ground we choose to fight on … most often … AND outsides because it was, in a sense, created from the outside.
Evaluate the aff as a response to the call of the topic as an act of mystery – by passionately playing the game, we can effectively parody the System.
Gerry Coulter 7, sociology at Bishop's University in Sherbrooke, Canada. He is the founding editor of the International Journal of Baudrillard Studies, '7 "Jean Baudrillard And The Definitive Ambivalence Of Gaming," Games and Culture, October 2007, Vol. 2, No. 4, p. 358-365, http://insomnia.ac/essays/baudrillard_on_gaming/ SLHS-RR Recut CHO The game comes from nowhere – "radical alterity" – idea of being something AND that our very passion for games and rules parodies all ideologies of liberty.
Part 3 is Advocacy
I affirm: The appropriation of outer space by private entities is unjust.
CX inevitably doesn't check because of limited times and infinite shiftiness so I'll specify here.
1~ I am the actor since I affirm the resolution
2~ I don't defend implementation and I generate offense based off of analysis of the rez
Part 4 is the rules
1~ Physicalism is true and is a side constraint on ethics.
Papineau 8,David, "Naturalism", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), URL = http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2009/entries/naturalism/. In the middle of the nineteenth century the conservation of kinetic plus potential energy came AND it is hard to see how we can have any knowledge of them.
2~ We don't identify with our future selves—continuous identity doesn't exist.
OPAR 14 (Alisa Opar is the articles editor at Audubon magazine; cites Hal Hershfield, an assistant professor at New York University's Stern School of Business; and Emily Pronin, a psychologist at Princeton) "Why We Procrastinate" Nautilus January 2014 AT The British philosopher Derek Parfit espoused a severely reductionist view of personal identity in his seminal book, Reasons and Persons: It does not exist, at least not in the way we usually consider it. We humans, Parfit argued, are not a consistent identity moving through time, but a chain of successive selves, each tangentially linked to, and yet distinct from, the previous and subsequent ones. The boy who begins to smoke despite knowing that he may suffer from the habit decades later should not be judged harshly: "This boy does not identify with his future self," Parfit wrote. "His attitude towards this future self is in some ways like his attitude to other people." Parfit's view was controversial even among philosophers. But psychologists are beginning to understand that it may accurately describe our attitudes towards our own decision-making: It turns out that we see our future selves as strangers. Though we will inevitably share their fates, the people we will become in a decade, quarter century, or more, are unknown to us. This impedes our ability to make good choices on their—which of course is our own—behalf. That bright, shiny New Year's resolution? If you feel perfectly justified in breaking it, it may be because it feels like it was a promise someone else made. "It's kind of a weird notion," says Hal Hershfield, an assistant professor at New York University's Stern School of Business. "On a psychological and emotional level we really consider that future self as if it's another person." Using fMRI, Hershfield and colleagues studied brain activity changes when people imagine their future and consider their present. They homed in on two areas of the brain called the medial prefrontal cortex and the rostral anterior cingulate cortex, which are more active when a subject thinks about himself than when he thinks of someone else. They found these same areas were more strongly activated when subjects thought of themselves today, than of themselves in the future. Their future self "felt" like somebody else. In fact, their neural activity when they described themselves in a decade was similar to that when they described Matt Damon or Natalie Portman. And subjects whose brain activity changed the most when they spoke about their future selves were the least likely to favor large long-term financial gains over small immediate ones. Emily Pronin, a psychologist at Princeton, has come to similar conclusions in her research. In a 2008 study, Pronin and her team told college students that they were taking part in an experiment on disgust that required drinking a concoction made of ketchup and soy sauce. The more they, their future selves, or other students consumed, they were told, the greater the benefit to science. Students who were told they'd have to down the distasteful quaff that day committed to consuming two tablespoons. But those that were committing their future selves (the following semester) or other students to participate agreed to guzzle an average of half a cup. We think of our future selves, says Pronin, like we think of others: in the third person. The disconnect between our present and time-shifted selves has real implications for how we make decisions. We might choose to procrastinate, and let some other version of our self deal with problems or chores. Or, as in the case of Parfit's smoking boy, we can focus on that version of our self that derives pleasure, and ignore the one that pays the price. But if procrastination or irresponsibility can derive from a poor connection to your future self, strengthening this connection may prove to be an effective remedy. This is exactly the tactic that some researchers are taking. Anne Wilson, a psychologist at Wilfrid Laurier University in Canada, has manipulated people's perception of time by presenting participants with timelines scaled to make an upcoming event, such as a paper due date, seem either very close or far off. "Using a longer timeline makes people feel more connected to their future selves," says Wilson. That, in turn, spurred students to finish their assignment earlier, saving their end-of-semester self the stress of banging it out at the last minute. We think of our future selves, says Pronin, like we think of others: in the third person. Hershfield has taken a more high-tech approach. Inspired by the use of images to spur charitable donations, he and colleagues took subjects into a virtual reality room and asked them to look into a mirror. The subjects saw either their current self, or a digitally aged image of themselves (see the figure, Digital Old Age). When they exited the room, they were asked how they'd spend $1,000. Those exposed to the aged photo said they'd put twice as much into a retirement account as those who saw themselves unaged. This might be important news for parts of the finance industry. Insurance giant Allianz is funding a pilot project in the midwest in which Hershfield's team will show state employees their aged faces when they make pension allocations. Merrill Edge, the online discount unit of Bank of America Merrill Lynch, has taken this approach online, with a service called Face Retirement. Each decade-jumping image is accompanied by startling cost-of-living projections and suggestions to invest in your golden years. Hershfield is currently investigating whether morphed images can help people lose weight. Of course, the way we treat our future self is not necessarily negative: Since we think of our future self as someone else, our own decision making reflects how we treat other people. Where Parfit's smoking boy endangers the health of his future self with nary a thought, others might act differently. "The thing is, we make sacrifices for people all the time," says Hershfield. "In relationships, in marriages." The silver lining of our dissociation from our future self, then, is that it is another reason to practice being good to others. One of them might be you. The Standard is maximizing pain and minimizing pleasure – Prefer
3~ Lexical pre-requisite: Extrinsic values are morally irrelevant —- human fulfilment of our desires intrinsically only leads to an absence of suffering,
Aveek, 11 ~Aveek, political philosopher, extensively citing Arthur Schopenhauer, German philosopher extraordinaire, "In Search of Negative Utilitarianism", 16 January 2011, http://socialproblemsarelikemaths.blogspot.com/2011/01/in-search-of-negative-utilitarianism.html, Evan~ There is yet a third reason why proposition A might be rejected. If we AND that contains the tools necessary to defend negative utilitarianism and render it plausible.
4~ States must use util – they seek practical benefits for constituents and aren't unified agents so they don't have intentions. No calc indicts since states use util successfully all the time and they just prove util's hard to use not impossible. However this topic does not specify the state as an actor
5~ Consequentialism true –
A~ No intent-foresight distinction – when I foresee something it enters into my intention B~ No act-omission distinction – omitting is just choosing not to take any other action
Part 5 is the game
Appropriation causes debris
Scoles 15 ~(Sarah Scoles, freelance science writer, contributor at Wired and Popular Science, author of the books Making Contact and They Are Already Here) "Dust from asteroid mining spells danger for satellites," New Scientist, May 27, 2015, https://www.newscientist.com/article/mg22630235-100-dust-from-asteroid-mining-spells-danger-for-satellites/~~ TDI Study this is citing – Javier Roa, Space Dynamic Group, Applied Physics Department AND 30 per cent (arxiv.org/abs/1505.03800).
Debris harms satellites
Intagliata 17 ~(Christopher Intagliata, MA Journalism from NYU, Editor for NPRs All Things Considered, Reporter/Host for Scientific American's 60 Second Science) "The Sneaky Danger of Space Dust," Scientific American, May 11, 2017, https://www.scientificamerican.com/podcast/episode/the-sneaky-danger-of-space-dust/~~ TDI When tiny particles of space debris slam into satellites, the collision could cause the emission of hardware-frying radiation, Christopher Intagliata reports. Aside from all the satellites, and the space station orbiting the Earth, there's a lot of trash circling the planet, too. Twenty-one thousand baseball-sized chunks of debris, according to NASA. But that number's dwarfed by the number of small particles. There's hundreds of millions of those. "And those smaller particles tend to be going fast. Think of picking up a grain of sand at the beach, and that would be on the large side. But they're going 60 kilometers per second." Sigrid Close, an applied physicist and astronautical engineer at Stanford University. Close says that whereas mechanical damage—like punctures—is the worry with the bigger chunks, the dust-sized stuff might leave more insidious, invisible marks on satellites—by causing electrical damage. "We also think this phenomenon can be attributed to some of the failures and anomalies we see on orbit, that right now are basically tagged as 'unknown cause.'" Close and her colleague Alex Fletcher modeled this phenomenon mathematically, based on plasma physics behavior. And here's what they think happens. First, the dust slams into the spacecraft. Incredibly fast. It vaporizes and ionizes a bit of the ship—and itself. Which generates a cloud of ions and electrons, traveling at different speeds. And then: "It's like a spring action, the electrons are pulled back to the ions, ions are being pushed ahead a little bit. And then the electrons overshoot the ions, so they oscillate, and then they go back out again." That movement of electrons creates a pulse of electromagnetic radiation, which Close says could be the culprit for some of that electrical damage to satellites. The study is in the journal Physics of Plasmas. ~Alex C. Fletcher and Sigrid Close, Particle-in-cell simulations of an RF emission mechanism associated with hypervelocity impact plasmas~
That means warming
Alonso 18 ~(Elisa Jiménez Alonso, communications consultant with Acclimatise, climate resilience organization) "Earth Observation of Increasing Importance for Climate Change Adaptation," Acclimatise, May 2, 2018, https://www.acclimatise.uk.com/2018/05/02/earth-observation-of-increasing-importance-for-climate-change-adaptation/~~ TDI Earth observation (EO) satellites are playing an increasingly important role in assessing climate change. By providing a constant and consistent stream of data about the state of the climate, EO is not just improving scientific outcomes but can also inform climate policy. Managing climate-related risks effectively requires accurate, robust, sustained, and wide-ranging climate information. Reliable observational climate data can help scientists test the accuracy of their models and improve the science of attributing certain events to climate change. Information based on projections from models and historic data can help decision makers plan and implement adaptation actions. Providing information in data-sparse regions Ground-based weather and climate monitoring systems only cover about 30 of the Earth's surface. In many parts of the world such data is incomplete and patchy due to poorly maintained weather stations and a general lack of such facilities. EO satellites and rapidly improving satellite technology, especially data from open access programmes, offer a valuable source information for such data-sparse regions. This is especially important since countries and regions with a lack of climate data are often particularly vulnerable to climate change impacts. International efforts for systematic observation The importance of satellite-based observations is also recognised by the international community. Following the recommendations of the World Meteorological Organization's (WMO) Global Climate Observing System (GCOS) programme, the UNFCCC strongly encourages countries that support space agencies with EO programmes to get involved in GCOS and support the programme's implementation. The Paris Agreement highlights the need for and importance of effective and progressive responses to the threat of climate change based on the best available scientific knowledge. This implies that climate knowledge needs to be strengthened, which includes continuously improving systematic observations of the Earth's climate. To meet the need of such systematic climate observations, GCOS developed the concept of the Essential Climate Variable, or ECV. According to WMO, an ECV "is a physical, chemical or biological variable or a group of linked variables that critically contributes to the characterization of Earth' s climate." In 2010, 50 ECVs which would help the work of the UNFCCC and IPCC were defined by GCOS. The ECVs, which can be seen below, were identified due to their relevance for characterising the climate system and its changes, the technical feasibility of observing or deriving them on a global scale, and their cost effectiveness. The 50 Essential Climate Variables as defined by GCOS. One effort supporting the systemic observation of the climate is the European Space Agency's (ESA) Climate Change Initiative (CCI). The programme taps into its own and its member countries' EO archives that have been established in the last three decades in order to provide a timely and adequate contribution to the ECV databases required by the UNFCCC. Robust evidence supporting climate risk management Earth observation satellites can observe the entire Earth on a daily basis (polar orbiting satellites) or continuously monitor the disk of Earth below them (geostationary satellites) maintaining a constant watch of the entire globe. Sensors can target any point on Earth even the most remote and inhospitable areas which helps monitor deforestation in vast tropical forests and the melting of the ice caps. Without insights offered by EO satellites there would not be enough evidence for decision makers to base their climate policies on, increasing the risk of maladaptation. Robust EO data is an invaluable resource for collecting climate information that can inform climate risk management and make it more effective.
Extinction
Klein 14~(Naomi Klein, award-winning journalist, syndicated columnist, former Miliband Fellow at the London School of Economics, member of the board of directors of 350.org), This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. the Climate, pp. 12-14~ In a 2012 report, the World Bank laid out the gamble implied by that target. "As global warming approaches and exceeds 2-degrees Celsius, there is a risk of triggering nonlinear tipping elements. Examples include the disintegration of the West Antarctic ice sheet leading to more rapid sea-level rise, or large-scale Amazon dieback drastically affecting ecosystems, rivers, agriculture, energy production, and livelihoods. This would further add to 21st-century global warming and impact entire continents." In other words, once we allow temperatures to climb past a certain point, where the mercury stops is not in our control. But the bigger problem—and the reason Copenhagen caused such great despair—is that because governments did not agree to binding targets, they are free to pretty much ignore their commitments. Which is precisely what is happening. Indeed, emissions are rising so rapidly that unless something radical changes within our economic structure, 2 degrees now looks like a utopian dream. And it's not just environmentalists who are raising the alarm. The World Bank also warned when it released its report that "we're on track to a 4-C warmer world ~by century's end~ marked by extreme heat waves, declining global food stocks, loss of ecosystems and biodiversity, and life-threatening sea level rise." And the report cautioned that, "there is also no certainty that adaptation to a 4-C world is possible." Kevin Anderson, former director (now deputy director) of the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change, which has quickly established itself as one of the U.K's premier climate research institutions, is even blunter; he says 4 degrees Celsius warming—7.2 degrees Fahrenheit—is "incompatible with an organized, equitable, and civilized global community." We don't know exactly what a 4 degree Celsius world would look like, but even the best-case scenario is likely to be calamitous. Four degrees of warming could raise global sea levels by 1 or possibly even 2 meters by 2100 (and would lock in at least a few additional meters over future centuries). This would drown some island nations such as the Maldives and Tuvalu, and inundate many coastal areas from Ecuador and Brazil to the Netherlands to much of California and the northeastern United States as well as huge swaths of South and Southeast Asia. Major cities likely in jeopardy include Boston, New York, greater Los Angeles, Vancouver, London, Mumbai, Hong Kong, and Shanghai. Meanwhile, brutal heat waves that can kill tens of thousands of people, even in wealthy countries, would become entirely unremarkable summer events on every continent but Antarctica. The heat would also cause staple crops to suffer dramatic yield losses across the globe (it is possible that Indian wheat and U.S. could plummet by as much as 60 percent), this at a time when demand will be surging due to population growth and a growing demand for meat. And since crops will be facing not just heat stress but also extreme events such as wide-ranging droughts, flooding, or pest outbreaks, the losses could easily turn out to be more severe than the models have predicted. When you add ruinous hurricanes, raging wildfires, fisheries collapses, widespread disruptions to water supplies, extinctions, and globe-trotting diseases to the mix, it indeed becomes difficult to imagine that a peaceful, ordered society could be sustained (that is, where such a thing exists in the first place). And keep in mind that these are the optimistic scenarios in which warming is more or less stabilized at 4 degrees Celsius and does not trigger tipping points beyond which runaway warming would occur. Based on the latest modeling, it is becoming safer to assume that 4 degrees could bring about a number of extremely dangerous feedback loops—an Arctic that is regularly ice-free in September, for instance, or, according to one recent study, global vegetation that is too saturated to act as a reliable "sink", leading to more carbon being emitted rather than stored. Once this happens, any hope of predicting impacts pretty much goes out the window. And this process may be starting sooner than anyone predicted. In May 2014, NASA and the University of California, Irvine scientists revealed that glacier melt in a section of West Antarctica roughly the size of France now "appears unstoppable." This likely spells down for the entire West Antarctic ice sheet, which according to lead study author Eric Rignot "comes with a sea level rise between three and five metres. Such an event will displace millions of people worldwide." The disintegration, however, could unfold over centuries and there is still time for emission reductions to slow down the process and prevent the worst. Much more frightening than any of this is the fact that plenty of mainstream analysts think that on our current emissions trajectory, we are headed for even more than 4 degrees of warming. In 2011, the usually staid International Energy Agency (IEA) issued a report predicting that we are actually on track for 6 degrees Celsius—10.8 degrees Fahrenheit—of warming. And as the IEA's chief economist put it: "Everybody, even the school children, knows that this will have catastrophic implications for all of us." (The evidence indicates that 6 degrees of warming is likely to set in motion several major tipping points—not only slower ones such as the aforementioned breakdown of the West Antarctic ice sheet, but possibly more abrupt ones, like massive releases of methane from Arctic permafrost.) The accounting giant PricewaterhouseCoopers as also published a report warning businesses that we are headed for "4-C , or even 6-C" of warming. These various projections are the equivalent of every alarm in your house going off simultaneously. And then every alarm on your street going off as well, one by one by one. They mean, quite simply, that climate change has become an existential crisis for the human species. The only historical precedent for a crisis of this depth and scale was the Cold War fear that we were headed toward nuclear holocaust, which would have made much of the planet uninhabitable. But that was (and remains) a threat; a slim possibility, should geopolitics spiral out of control. The vast majority of nuclear scientists never told us that we were almost certainly going to put our civilization in peril if we kept going about our daily lives as usual, doing exactly what we were already going, which is what climate scientists have been telling us for years. As the Ohio State University climatologist Lonnie G. Thompson, a world-renowned specialist on glacier melt, explained in 2010, "Climatologists, like other scientists, tend to be a stolid group. We are not given to theatrical rantings about falling skies. Most of us are far more comfortable in our laboratories or gathering data in the field than we are giving interviews to journalists or speaking before Congressional committees. When then are climatologists speaking out about the dangers of global warming? The answer is that virtually all of us are now convinced that global warming poses a clear and present danger to civilization."
Underview
Here are a bunch of random words that aren't offensive until truth-testing is read
1~ Dogmatism Paradox – statements cannot and should not be negated
Sorensen Sorensen, Roy, Professor of Philosophy at Washington University in St. Louis. "Epistemic Paradoxes." Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 21 June 2006. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/epistemic-paradoxes/. PeteZ Saul Kripke's ruminations on the surprise test paradox led him to a paradox about dogmatism. He lectured on both paradoxes at Cambridge University to the Moral Sciences Club in 1972. (A descendent of this lecture now appears as Kripke 2011). Gilbert Harman transmitted Kripke's new paradox as follows: If I know that h is true, I know that any evidence against h is evidence against something that is true; I know that such evidence is misleading. But I should disregard evidence that I know is misleading. So, once I know that h is true, I am in a position to disregard any future evidence that seems to tell against h. (1973, 148)
2~ Principle of explosion is true which also proves the resolution true.
Wikiwand. "Principle of Explosion." Wikiwand, 0AD, www.wikiwand.com/en/Principle_of_explosion. Massa
The principle of explosion (Latin: ex falso (sequitur) quodlibet (EFQ), "from falsehood, anything (follows)", or ex contradictione (sequitur) quodlibet (ECQ), "from contradiction, anything (follows)"), or the principle of Pseudo-Scotus, is the law of classical logic, intuitionistic logic and similar logical systems, according to which any statement can be proven from a contradiction.~1~ That is, once a contradiction has been asserted, any proposition (including their negations) can be inferred from it. This is known as deductive explosion.~2~~3~ The proof of this principle was first given by 12th century French philosopher William of Soissons.~4~ As a demonstration of the principle, consider two contradictory statements – "All lemons are yellow" and "Not all lemons are yellow", and suppose that both are true. If that is the case, anything can be proven, e.g., the assertion that "unicorns exist", by using the following argument: We know that "All lemons are yellow", as it has been assumed to be true. Therefore, the two-part statement "All lemons are yellow OR unicorns exist" must also be true, since the first part is true. However, since we know that "Not all lemons are yellow" (as this has been assumed), the first part is false, and hence the second part must be true, i.e., unicorns exist.
3~ The rules of logic claim that the only time a statement is invalid is if the antecedent is true, but the consequent is false.
SEP ~Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.~ "An Introduction to Philosophy." Stanford University. https://web.stanford.edu/~~bobonich/dictionary/dictionary.html TG Massa Conditional statement: an "if p, then q" compound statement (ex. If I throw this ball into the air, it will come down); p is called the antecedent, and q is the consequent. A conditional asserts that if its antecedent is true, its consequent is also true; any conditional with a true antecedent and a false consequent must be false. For any other combination of true and false antecedents and consequents, the conditional statement is true.
If the aff is winning, they get the ballot is a tacit ballot conditional which means denying the premise proves the conclusion that I should get the ballot.
4~ A trivial entity exists
Kabay 08 ~Paul Douglas Kabay, (PhD thesis, School of Philosophy, Anthropology, and Social Inquiry) "A Defense Of Trivialism" The University Of Melbourne, 2008, https://minerva-access.unimelb.edu.au/handle/11343/35203, DOA:10-25-2017~ Let us define a trivial entity as an entity that instantiates every predicate, i.e. an entity of which everything is true. One of the things true of a trivial entity is that it exists in a reality in which trivialism is true. Hence, if a trivial entity exists, then trivialism is true. But is it true that there exists a trivial entity? Here is an argument for thinking that it is true: 1) Every being (or entity or object) is either trivial or nontrivial 2) It is not the case that every being is nontrivial 3) Hence, there exists a trivial being
5~ Liar's Paradox – the resolution is always true
Camus ~Albert Camus (existentialist). "The Myth of Sisyphus." Penguin Books. 1975(originally published 1942). Accessed 12/11/19. Pg 22. Copy on hand. Houston Memorial DX~ The mind's first step is to distinguish what is true from what is false. However, as soon as thought reflects on itself, what it first discovers is a contradiction. Useless to strive to be convincing in this case. Over the centuries no one has furnished a clearer and more elegant demonstration of the business than Aristotle: "The often ridiculed consequence of these opinions is that they destroy themselves. For by asserting that all is true we assert the truth of the contrary assertion and consequently the falsity of our own thesis (for the contrary assertion does not admit that it can be true). And if one says that all is false, that assertion is itself false. If we declare that solely the assertion opposed to ours is false or else that solely ours is not false, we are nevertheless forced to admit an infinite number of true or false judgments. For the one who expresses a true assertion proclaims simultaneously that it is true, and so on ad infinitum."
All Capitalism is Racial Capitalism – the space commercialization cannot sustain itself without disposable populations which is a priori unjust
Burden-Stelly 20 ~Bracketed for women to womxn. Footnote 14 is inserted below the paragraph it's cited in, other footnotes excluded for readability. Charisse Burden-Stelly (Visiting Scholar in the Race and Capitalism Project at the University of Chicago. She is currently an African-American Assistant Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science at Carleton College). "Modern U.S. Racial Capitalism: Some Theoretical Insights". The Monthly Review, Volume 72, Number 3. 7/1/20. Accessed 11/3/21. https://monthlyreview.org/2020/07/01/modern-u-s-racial-capitalism/Xu~ Drawing on the intellectual production of twentieth-century Black anticapitalists, I theorize modern AND of women for low-wage, unprotected, and contingent labor.50
Resource competition and wealth extraction under Racial Capitalism produces fascism, endless war and environmental destruction
Robinson 14 (William I., Prof. of Sociology, Global and International Studies, and Latin American Studies, @ UC-Santa Barbara, "Global Capitalism: Crisis of Humanity and the Specter of 21st Century Fascism" The World Financial Review) Cyclical, Structural, and Systemic Crises Most commentators on the contemporary crisis refer to AND to defect from agreements or refuse to sign on in the first place.
I affirm Resolved: The appropriation of outer space by private entities is unjust.
The aff identifies appropriation as unjust
Webster ND Definition of IS," Merriam Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/is IS CHO is Definition of is (Entry 1 of 4) present tense third-person singular of BE dialectal present tense first-person and third-person singular of BE dialectal present tense plural of BE
Dialectical present tense means logical coherence which implies no implementation
Your Dictionary ND, , "Dialectical Meaning," No Publication, https://www.yourdictionary.com/dialectical Cho The definition of dialectical is a discussion that includes logical reasoning and dialogue, or AND or pertaining to dialectic; logically reasoned through the exchange of opposing ideas.
"BE" is a linking verb, not an action verb so implementation is incoherent
Private entities prevents space exploration and culminate in extinction– only central planning can solve development and create an ethical altenrative.
Phillips 12 ~Leigh Phillips is a science journalist with Nature and formerly a Brussels-based reporter for the Guardian and deputy editor of the EUobserver."Put Whitey Back on the Moon," Jacobin, https://web.archive.org/web/20120926202524/http://jacobinmag.com:80/2012/09/put-whitey-back-on-the-moon~~ nw Of course, space exploration is expensive, risky and it is difficult to say AND just killing the planet. Capitalism is keeping us stuck on the planet.
Part 2 is the Method
We affirm the normative statement but our analysis isn't separate from the broader framework – justifications are a prior question to concrete analysis because they answer when, why and how violence and injustice operate
Our scenario analysis of the resolution develops the political grammar for revolution – before we can discuss how to get there, we first must theorize what exact future we are fighting for
Mass base cultivation must start through utopic communist demands like the aff that prophesize the end of Capitalism.
Tonstad 16 (Professor Tonstad is a constructive theologian working at the intersection of systematic theology with feminist and queer theory. Her first book, God and Difference: The Trinity, Sexuality, and the Transformation of Finitude, was published by Routledge in 2016 and was named both as a best new book in ethics and a best new book in theology in Christian Century in the spring of 2017. "Debt Time is Straight Time" political theology, Vol. 17 No. 5, September 2016, 434–448, Edited for ableist language – "visible" changed to "recognizable" ) If debt time, as I have argued, is straight time, can other AND key to plan what a successful revolution in the future would look like.
Debate is a valuable pedagogical space for material analysis and scientific planning – our form of study uses historical synthesis to avoid error replication and catalyze a mass base transition.
Williams 18 ~Carine, 7/30/18, "Why Black People Need Maoism in 2018", The Hampton Institute, http://www.hamptoninstitution.org/why-black-people-need-maoism.html~~#.XWwv7ZNKh0s KZaidi~ When they hear Maoism, many people think of China, Peru, and the AND invaluable resource in promoting revolutionary ideology and practice in the finest Marxist tradition.
The aff forwards a model of debate where iterative ballots over a season help us determine what a future communist world would look like - Academic debate and knowledge production is key to establish the conditions that makes revolution possible
Southall 10 (Nicholas Southall, doctoral student, University of Wollongong. "A Multitude of Possibilities: The Strategic Vision of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt," School of History and Politics and Sociology, 2010, http://ro.uow.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4274andcontext=theses ) Communism will remain associated with many of the horrors of the twentieth century. Yet AND and Negri's strategic vision, interweaving communist hypotheses with the proletariat's multitudinous struggles.
Part 3 is the Cold War
Central Planning solves everything –
1~ Red Innovation –
Nieto and Mateo 20 ~Maxi Nieto is a PhD is sociology from the University of Elche and writer for Ciber Comunismo and Juan Pablo Mateo is a visiting scholar in the department of Economics at The New School, New York and economics professor at the University of Valladolid (Spain). January 2020, "Dynamic Efficiency in a Planned Economy: Innovation and Entrepreneurship Without Markets", Science and Society, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338327276_Dynamic_Efficiency_in_a_Planned_Economy_Innovation_and_Entrepreneurship_Without_Marketsgbs jacobs and majeed~ 4.1. Innovation and social property. Innovation occurs as a result of AND including the incentive system). Among the main actors would be the following:
2~ Ecological Leninism –
Malm 20 ~Andreas Malm is associate senior lecturer in human ecology at Lund University. He is author of Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming and Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century. September 2020, "Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century", Verso Books GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ The impending catastrophe and how to combat it In the second week of September 1917 AND mean 'preordain'. Something can be necessary and yet never come about.
4~ Capitalism is lagging –
Cockshott 98 ~Paul, 1998, Department of Computer Science, Strathclyde University, Glasgow, Scotland, "Application of Artificial Intelligence Techniques to Economic Planning", University of Strathclyde GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ Relevance of computer science Computation is always a physical process. It is always performed AND by computer constitutes a third economic alternative to market allocation or bureaucratic allocation.
Part 4 is Preempts
Impact Framing – Revolutionary Suicide is the risk we must take to abolish Racial Capitalism – there is no damnation worse than the current system.
Pinkard 13 ~2013, Lynice Pinkard, "Revolutionary Suicide: Risking Everything to Transform Society and Live Fully", Tikkun 2013 Volume 28, Number 4: 31-41, http://tikkun.dukejournals.org/content/28/4/31.full~~ I'd like to present an alternative to conventional identity politics, one that requires that AND in each of our lives, let's look at what we're up against.
Governance is good and inevitable.
Renaux 19 ~Valarie, 5/29/19, Philosophy. Writing on Marxism, eliminativism in philosophy of mind and metaethics, suffering(-focused ethics), and philosophical pessimism, "Marxism and the State", https://medium.com/@valarierenaux/marxism-and-the-state-eeb6ceca4515GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ Here, perhaps, is a manifestation of one of the foundational flaws in AND the conquest of state power. Only then can we change the world.
Public investment key to independent space firms and specifically colonization – at worst proves no DA to the aff
Grush 19 ~Loren Grush is a science reporter for The Verge, the technology and culture brand from Vox Media, where she specializes in all things space—from distant stars and planets to human space flight and the commercial space race. The daughter of two NASA engineers, she grew up surrounded by space shuttles and rocket scientists—literally. She is also the host of Space Craft, an original online video series that examines what it takes to send people to space. Before joining The Verge, Loren published stories in Popular Science, The New York Times, Nautilus Magazine, Digital Trends, Fox News, and ABC News. 6/18/2019, "Commercial space companies have received $7.2 billion in government investment since 2000", The Verge, https://www.theverge.com/2019/6/18/18683455/nasa-space-angels-contracts-government-investment-spacex-air-force gbs jacobs and majeed~ Early investments from a government agency, like NASA or the Air Force, can AND develop, that's when the private sector can come in and take over."
12/18/21
4 - JF - Space Communism
Tournament: Emory | Round: 3 | Opponent: Spencer Swickle | Judge: Andrew Shaw cites not working - check os
Neoliberalism prevents space exploration – only central planning can solve
Phillips 12 ~Leigh Phillips is a science journalist with Nature and formerly a Brussels-based reporter for the Guardian and deputy editor of the EUobserver."Put Whitey Back on the Moon," Jacobin, https://web.archive.org/web/20120926202524/http://jacobinmag.com:80/2012/09/put-whitey-back-on-the-moon**~~ nw Of course, space exploration is expensive, risky and it is difficult to say AND just killing the planet. Capitalism is keeping us stuck on the planet.
Innovation controls the internal link
4th OFF
Not about private entities
China is public lol Else private solves cuz space race gets equalized – your ev syays chian winning now Proves our socialism good arguments tho
No link – we don't implement we just said its unjust
4~ Turn – Geopolitical Competition is bad – splitting space along nationalist property rights makes resource grab wars inevitable that's 1AC Robinson
1AC
Part 1 is Racial Capitalism
All Capitalism is Racial Capitalism – the space commercialization cannot sustain itself without disposable populations which is a priori unjust
Burden-Stelly 20 ~Bracketed for women to womxn. Footnote 14 is inserted below the paragraph it's cited in, other footnotes excluded for readability. Charisse Burden-Stelly (Visiting Scholar in the Race and Capitalism Project at the University of Chicago. She is currently an African-American Assistant Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science at Carleton College). "Modern U.S. Racial Capitalism: Some Theoretical Insights". The Monthly Review, Volume 72, Number 3. 7/1/20. Accessed 11/3/21. https://monthlyreview.org/2020/07/01/modern-u-s-racial-capitalism/Xu~ Drawing on the intellectual production of twentieth-century Black anticapitalists, I theorize modern AND of women for low-wage, unprotected, and contingent labor.50
Resource competition and wealth extraction under Racial Capitalism produces fascism, endless war and environmental destruction
Robinson 14 (William I., Prof. of Sociology, Global and International Studies, and Latin American Studies, @ UC-Santa Barbara, "Global Capitalism: Crisis of Humanity and the Specter of 21st Century Fascism" The World Financial Review) Cyclical, Structural, and Systemic Crises Most commentators on the contemporary crisis refer to AND to defect from agreements or refuse to sign on in the first place.
The space race is deeply entangled with the development of carcerality, funded through wealth extracted from black communities through policing and exploitative labor. The use of space as a symbol of progress obfuscated racial divisions and cohered an ideological understanding of white upward mobility and black immobility.
Loyd 15. Jenna M. 2015. "Whitey on the Moon: Space, Race, and the Crisis of Black Mobility." In Montegary, Liz and Melissa White, eds. Mobile Desires: The Politics and Erotics of Mobility Justice. Palgrave Pivot, 41-52. But Watts is a country which lies, psychologically, uncounted miles further than most AND from the moon – remains tied to liberatory, decolonial projects on earth.
This form of spatialization produces a global lockdown that uses the practices of empire-building and captivity to produce human surplus as the foundational element for the existence of the citizen subject.
Agathangelou 08 ~Anna M., Prof. International Relations @ York, "Intimate Investments: Homonormativity, Global Lockdown, and the Seductions of Empire," Radical History Review, pp. 133-6ak47~ Global Lockdown and the Ends of Pain We now turn to the threats of pure AND can even mean in the wake of so much "necessary" death.
Part 2 is the Method
I affirm Resolved: The appropriation of outer space by private entities is unjust.
The aff identifies appropriation as unjust
Webster ND Definition of IS," Merriam Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/is IS is Definition of is (Entry 1 of 4) present tense third-person singular of BE dialectal present tense first-person and third-person singular of BE dialectal present tense plural of BE
Dialectical present tense means logical coherence which implies no implementation
Your Dictionary ND, , "Dialectical Meaning," No Publication, https://www.yourdictionary.com/dialectical Cho The definition of dialectical is a discussion that includes logical reasoning and dialogue, or AND or pertaining to dialectic; logically reasoned through the exchange of opposing ideas.
"BE" is a linking verb, not an action verb so implementation is incoherent
This means that the affirmative burden is to prove that space appropriation by completely nongovernmental companies is unjust.
Part 3 is Solvency
We affirm the normative statement but our analysis isn't separate from the broader framework – justifications are a prior question to concrete analysis because they answer when, why and how violence and injustice operate
Our scenario analysis of the resolution develops the political grammar for revolution – before we can discuss how to get there, we first must theorize what exact future we are fighting for
Mass base cultivation must start through utopic communist demands like the aff that prophesize the end of Capitalism.
Tonstad 16 (Professor Tonstad is a constructive theologian working at the intersection of systematic theology with feminist and queer theory. Her first book, God and Difference: The Trinity, Sexuality, and the Transformation of Finitude, was published by Routledge in 2016 and was named both as a best new book in ethics and a best new book in theology in Christian Century in the spring of 2017. "Debt Time is Straight Time" political theology, Vol. 17 No. 5, September 2016, 434–448, Edited for ableist language – "visible" changed to "recognizable" ) If debt time, as I have argued, is straight time, can other AND key to plan what a successful revolution in the future would look like.
Debate is a valuable pedagogical space for material analysis and scientific planning – our form of study uses historical synthesis to avoid error replication and catalyze a mass base transition.
Williams 18 ~Carine, 7/30/18, "Why Black People Need Maoism in 2018", The Hampton Institute, http://www.hamptoninstitution.org/why-black-people-need-maoism.html~~#.XWwv7ZNKh0s KZaidi~ When they hear Maoism, many people think of China, Peru, and the AND invaluable resource in promoting revolutionary ideology and practice in the finest Marxist tradition.
Part 4 is the cold war
Central Planning solves everything –
1~ Red Innovation –
Nieto and Mateo 20 ~Maxi Nieto is a PhD is sociology from the University of Elche and writer for Ciber Comunismo and Juan Pablo Mateo is a visiting scholar in the department of Economics at The New School, New York and economics professor at the University of Valladolid (Spain). January 2020, "Dynamic Efficiency in a Planned Economy: Innovation and Entrepreneurship Without Markets", Science and Society, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338327276_Dynamic_Efficiency_in_a_Planned_Economy_Innovation_and_Entrepreneurship_Without_Marketsgbs jacobs and majeed~ 4.1. Innovation and social property. Innovation occurs as a result of AND including the incentive system). Among the main actors would be the following:
2~ Ecological Leninism –
Malm 20 ~Andreas Malm is associate senior lecturer in human ecology at Lund University. He is author of Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming and Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century. September 2020, "Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in the Twenty-First Century", Verso Books GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ The impending catastrophe and how to combat it In the second week of September 1917 AND mean 'preordain'. Something can be necessary and yet never come about.
3~ Marxist Transhumanism –
Steinhoff 14 ~James Steinhoff (postdoctoral fellow at the eScience Institute of the University of Washington, Ph.D., Media Studies, The University of Western Ontario, M.A., Philosophy, The University of Windsor, B.A., English Literature and Philosophy, The University of Windsor). "Transhumanism and Marxism: Philosophical Connections". Journal of Evolution and Technology - Vol. 24 Issue 2 – May 2014. Accessed 11/5/21. https://philpapers.org/archive/STETAM-4.pdfXu~ The term "transhumanism" was coined by evolutionary biologist Julian Huxley in 1957. AND . The transformation of the individual and the transformation of society are inseparable.
4~ Capitalism is lagging –
Cockshott 98 ~Paul, 1998, Department of Computer Science, Strathclyde University, Glasgow, Scotland, "Application of Artificial Intelligence Techniques to Economic Planning", University of Strathclyde GBS Majeed and Jacobs~ Relevance of computer science Computation is always a physical process. It is always performed AND by computer constitutes a third economic alternative to market allocation or bureaucratic allocation.
Part 5 is Preempts
Impact Framing – Revolutionary Suicide is the risk we must take to abolish Racial Capitalism – there is no damnation worse than the current system.
Pinkard 13 ~2013, Lynice Pinkard, "Revolutionary Suicide: Risking Everything to Transform Society and Live Fully", Tikkun 2013 Volume 28, Number 4: 31-41, http://tikkun.dukejournals.org/content/28/4/31.full~~ I'd like to present an alternative to conventional identity politics, one that requires that AND in each of our lives, let's look at what we're up against.
Process Counterplan Framing – debates over institutional minutia siphon energy away from social transformation – distinctions in central tenants and epistemology should come first
Bhattacharyya 13, Race and Ethnicity Prof at Aston University (Gargi, How can we live with ourselves? Universities and the attempt to reconcile learning and doing, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 36, No. 9, 1411-1428) In Britain also there has been a move away from radical imagination in the politics of race, towards either highly institutionalized activity designed to measure and correct differential outcomes, or to ethnic particularity that challenges racism faced by a particular group but rarely links this activity to other struggles or a vision of an alternative society. However necessary these forms of organization may be because institutional outcomes continue to harden inequality between groups and mobilization needs to take place where people are, building on the affiliations that make sense to them the loss of a larger vision and set of aspirations diminishes what anti-racist politics can be. Kelly (2002, p. xii) goes on to specify the loss that arises from too exclusive a focus on matters of institutional detail or immediate politicking: Without new visions we don't know what to build, only what to knock down. We not only end up confused, rudderless, and cynical, but we forget that making a revolution is not a series of clever maneuvers and tactics but a process that can and must transform us. This new revolutionary subject is unlikely to emerge from the mundane techniques of management that have come to typify 'useful' research in the field of racism. In response to the formulation of recent research funding in the UK, research in the field of race and racism that connects with 'users' has tended towards the technical. Much of this is shaped by the demand that research demonstrate its own 'impact', that is, shows its usefulness to an audience beyond academia, often before any findings are made and in order for time and money to be allocated.6 For the field of race and ethnic studies, this demand brings a model of knowledge as technique often management technique. Whether racism is seen to arise from communicational barriers between groups or from flawed institutional practices, the solution is presented as alternative practices do this and others will adapt their behaviour in these ways. If this were the extent of the imaginative failure, things would not be too bad. After all, universities rarely include the most exciting of ideas until the excitement can be rewritten as tradition. Sometimes banishment from the academy can help to get a different and more energetic audience for ideas that aspire to change our world. However, the politics of race seems to be institutionalized in an even more tightly confined logic in the spaces outside the academy. There may be a widespread recognition that racism demands an institutional response, but this is ripped away from any larger political narrative altogether. As a result, the attempts by scholars to address a public also tend to be limited by the narrow demands of such technical or legalistic approaches to what anti-racism can and should be. There is a dilemma here. For scholars who wish to connect with so called practitioners and who, perhaps, consider this world of equalities practice as their 'public' research is likely to become focused around these questions of technical organization. Of course, many of us still seek to document and explore the complexity of racism and its impact in the world but the focus for this endeavour becomes segmented by institutional focus and, often, a rush to make 'recommendations'. Access to research funding in Britain, increasingly the only route to creating space for scholarly work, demands that research delivers this 'impact' of immediate and usable advice. At the same time, the 'public' of practitioners a group here that is overwhelmingly concentrated in organizations tasked with delivering services to diverse populations, whether through statutory services or the third sector appear to understand the role of the intellectual only as this kind of technical adviser.7 Useful research becomes only this research that can enable alternative and potentially more effective operation of bureaucratic practices of one kind or another. This framing of anti-racist research transforms the kind of politics that can be imagined for this intellectual endeavour. This is anti-racism as a matter of organizational adaptation, not any wider social transformation. Perhaps some believe that transformation occurs through the collective impact of these many small organizational changes that has certainly been the unspoken implication of anti- racist work since the Lawrence Enquiry but, whatever the benefits of improved institutional practices, if these in fact have been achieved, this approach abandons any sense of political movement. We may be producing work that connects with a public, but the aspirations of both scholars and public seem less than they were. The – "used to point forward to a following qualifying or defining clause or phrase". Google. https://www.google.com/search?q=the+definitionandrlz=1C1CHBF_enUS877US877andoq=the+definitionandaqs=chrome.0.69i59j69i64j69i61j69i60l2.2103j0j7andsourceid=chromeandie=UTF-8 Appropriation – "an act or instance of appropriating something". https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/appropriation Of – "indicating an association between two entities, typically one of belonging". https://www.google.com/search?q=of+definitionandrlz=1C1CHBF_enUS877US877andoq=of+definitionandaqs=chrome..69i57j69i60.1494j0j7andsourceid=chromeandie=UTF-8 Outer Space – "the physical universe beyond the earth's atmosphere". https://www.google.com/search?q=outer+space+definitionandrlz=1C1CHBF_enUS877US877andoq=outer+space+definitionandaqs=chrome..69i57j69i60.2363j0j7andsourceid=chromeandie=UTF-8
1/15/22
4 - JF - Whitey on the Moon AC
Tournament: Emory | Round: 2 | Opponent: Holy Cross ND | Judge: Vidya Reddy Cites not working so check OS - I tried 3 times
1/28/22
4 - JF - Zoomcraft AC
Tournament: Strake | Round: 3 | Opponent: Clements Marco Ma | Judge: Ben Erdmann
1AC
Debate has transitioned towards a new era of digi-technics. The game we are playing right now, Zoomcraft, is a fictional simulation of what we remember as debate – it appears to a resemble the real world but is only a simulated virtual playground. Debate's investment in technics of space and Zoom through things like a belief that this new medium creates better debates, pushes us towards our zombification, exhausting the body till its collapse
Hunsinger 20 (Jeremy Hunsinger is a co-editor of the journal Learning Inquiry and has published in FastCapitalism, The Information Society, Social Epistemology and other leading academic journals, "On the Current Situation: Normal Violences, Pandemics, Emergencies, Necropolitics, Zombies, and Creepy Treehouses?" in Fast Capitalism, Volume 17 Issue 2, 2020, Pgs 5 – 10) University Technocultures Universities have their plural subjectivities, and universities co-construct some of AND just another stress on top of many that they and we already have.
This reliance on technology as a means to facilitate engagement expands the datafication of students and development of machine learning processes that overcode subjectivity in favor of surveillance pacifying debaters within the limits of Zoom.
Matthews et al 20 (Benjamin Matthews, Zi Siang See, and Jamin Day are authors and researchers at the University of Newcastle that publish on questions of technology and crisis, "Crisis and extended realities: remote presence in the time of COVID-19", October 20 2020, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1329878X20967165~~#articleCitationDownloadContainer) Social challenges of remote presence Another aspect related to Psi is the notion of how AND in their capacity to create trauma for individuals exposed to strongly immersive XR.
To act like all is normal is the process by which Zoomcraft becomes naturalized. This treats Zoom as a transparent window you can look through and see that things outside are just like before. It's not enough to not play, we must force an engagement with the change that has just happened.
Ayers 20 (William Ayers, formerly Distinguished Professor of Education and Senior University Scholar at the University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC) has written extensively about social justice, democracy, and education, and teaching as an essentially intellectual, ethical, and political enterprise. His books include A Kind and Just Parent; Teaching toward Freedom; Fugitive Days: A Memoir; Public Enemy: Confessions of an American Dissident; To Teach: The Journey, in Comics; Race Course: Against White Supremacy; and Demand the Impossible! A Radical Manifesto, "OK, Zoomer!", April 27 2020, https://critinq.wordpress.com/2020/04/27/ok-zoomer/) Yes, yes, I'm teaching my classes on Zoom. It's weird for me AND altering energy that's released whenever a human being's mind expands or rearranges itself.
Uniqueness flows aff – the switch to online and digital education represents a prototype and larger lab experiment that is supposed to demonstrate the effectiveness of education technologies. Even after the pandemic is over, we are on the brink of a full integrated and datafied world in which education transitions to the remote full time. Voting aff is the only way to challenge this by destroying the success narrative distributed within debate. A ballot represents the insertion of the aff into the research agenda of debate to the point where we can't look way, forced to confront the horrors of the activity by making it hypervisible.
Williamson et al 20 (Ben Williamson, PhD, Chancellor's Fellow at the Centre for Research in Digital Education; Rebecca Enyon, PhD, Professor of Education, the Internet, and Society at Oxford; John Potter, PhD, Professor of Media in Education, founder of the DARE Collaborative (Digital Arts Research in Education), "Pandemic politics, pedagogies and practices: digital technologies and distance education during the coronavirus emergency," Learning, Media, and Technology, Volume 45, Issue 2, 2020, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17439884.2020.1761641?scroll=topandneedAccess=true) In one key area we feel Learning, Media and Technology can and should make AND policies, practices, and problems that are now more urgent than ever.
Our intervention cultivates technological citizenship and allows ZoomCraft players to exercise agency over media.
Mirrlees and Alvi 20 (Tanner Mirrlees, associate professor of communications and digital media studies in the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities at the University of Ontario Institute of Technology, and Shadid Alvi, professor in the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities at the University of Ontario Institute of Technology, "Edtech Inc: Selling, Automating and Globalizing Higher Education in the Digital Age," Taylor and Francis Group, 2020) The real core of what academics do best, aside from the critical import of AND the social agents of conservation and change in 21st-century higher education.
The focus on mechanical details of out space policy paired with the symbolic weight of the debate game reduces the world to a toy to be manipulated towards simulated activist ends – this produces an absorption into the everyday operations of the game which distances debaters from its implications and creates an impulse towards controlling the world
Schleiner 19 (Anne-Marie, PhD in cultural analysis from the University of Amsterdam and international lecturer on political sciences and game theory, "The Playful Citizen: Civic Engagement in a Mediatized Culture" p. 124-6) In an activist simulation game, a play move is not only an inconsequential act AND and possible action, the intended transformation of 'games for change.'
====By interrupting and hijacking the smooth ebb and flow of Zoom Craft's GameSphere it is possible to augment its narratives and reveal its own violence. Voting Aff in the face of the inevitable 1NC framework push will be additional aff solvency – because frustrating their desire for clash and their fairness – forces a moment of self reflection==== Reed 10, Scott. "Review of Gamer Theory." Reviews (2010). Kairos Journal of Rhetoric, Technology, and Pedagogy, 15(1).) (Assistant Professor of English at Georgia Gwinnett College, PhD from the University of Georgia)Elmer What does it mean to do gamer theory? Wark's book is, if nothing AND thoughtful approaches to gaming that blur the lines between formal and informal writing.