1AC- Megaconstellations 1NC - T-Outer space Adv CP Util K Broadband DA
UNLV
1
Opponent: Peninsula Kris Deng | Judge: Diana Alvarez
1AC- Asteroid mining 1NC- Battaile K Russia DA OST CP Extra T Misdisclosure Case
UNLV
3
Opponent: Marlborough MS | Judge: Nikhil Navare
1NC- Space race DA Disclosure Extra T MTCR CP Case
UNLV
6
Opponent: Harker RT | Judge: Jackson Hanna
1NC- Russia appeasement MTCR Extra T case
UNLV
Doubles
Opponent: Mission San Jose SR | Judge: Panel
1NC - Bunkers CP Util K Teaching moment Procedural spark
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Cites
Entry
Date
Adv CP- Constellations
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 6 | Opponent: Lexington AT | Judge: Srey Das
CP – The USFG should a~ Change insurance requirements for satellites to stop insuring damage by third parties b~ federal adoption of a space sustainability rating system c~ establishing a data sharing framework between all government agencies for regulatory efforts d~ end all issuance of government Megaconstellations
Planks a b and c solves debris data sharing collisions—- same article, slightly lower
~Sandra 1AC Erwin, 10-21-2021, "Analysis: Space Force endorsement not enough to incentivize debris removal industry", SpaceNews, https://spacenews.com/analysis-space-force-endorsement-not-enough-to-incentivize-debris-removal-industry/, date accessed 1-23-2022~ Hooch EK Space debris removal technologies such as space tugs and junk collectors are now in the AND 25 spacecraft and flying above 420 kilometers be required to have propulsion systems.
Plank D solves government megaconstellations now—- makes aff nonunique and bolsters solvency for the CP Sandra Erwin 1/19 (https://spacenews.com/space-and-national-security-what-to-expect-in-2022/, Sandra Erwin writes about military space programs, policy, technology and the industry that supports this sector. She has covered the military, the Pentagon, Congress and the defense industry for nearly two decades as editor of NDIA's National Defense Magazine and Pentagon correspondent for Real Clear Defense, 1/19/22, "Space and national security: What to expect in 2022"Hooch EKH)
At the start of 2021, key questions loomed for the U.S. military space community: Would the Space Force survive under President Biden? Could the Defense Department's space agency really build a megaconstellation? And when would United Launch Alliance fly the long-awaited Vulcan Centaur, a vehicle that the Pentagon is counting on to deliver critical national security satellites to orbit. A year later, the Space Force stands on firmer political ground but is coming under pressure to deliver new technologies to counter threats from Russia and China. The Space Development Agency is counting down to the launch of its first operational satellites. And ULA is still waiting for Blue Origin to deliver engines for Vulcan's maiden flight. Here's a glimpse of what's in store for the year ahead: At the first meeting of the Biden administration's National Space Council on Dec. 1, Vice President Kamala Harris said a top concern going forward is to keep space safe for military, civilian and commercial operations. The meeting took place just two weeks after Russia's military launched a Nudol ballistic missile that intercepted a defunct Soviet-era satellite in low Earth orbit. An estimated 1,500 pieces of space debris created by the anti-satellite test are still being identified and cataloged by U.S. Space Command. Pentagon officials condemned Russia's test as a hugely irresponsible act that served as a wake-up call about the dangers posed by anti-satellite weapons. In the face of these threats, the onus will be on the Space Force to develop more resilient systems it can defend against missile strikes, electronic jamming and cyberattacks. This year, a priority for Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall will be to energize the Space Force's procurement bureaucracy to acquire advanced technologies needed to protect satellites and compete with rival powers China and Russia. Gen. David Thompson, vice chief of space operations of the Space Force, said China is developing space capabilities faster than the United States. "If we don't start accelerating our development and delivery of capabilities, they will exceed us," he said in December at the Reagan National Defense Forum. President Biden in December nominated former National Reconnaissance Office executive Frank Calvelli to be assistant secretary of the Air Force for space acquisition. If confirmed by the Senate, Calvelli will become the first-ever senior procurement executive in charge of U.S. military space programs, a post mandated by Congress in the 2020 National Defense Authorization Act. Congress in 2022 will be watching closely how this new office is organized and what novel approaches it might bring to space procurements. Since the Space Force was established two years ago, lawmakers have criticized the service for the slow pace of its acquisition programs and for not inserting innovative commercial technologies into military systems. During hearings on Capitol Hill about satellite procurements, the Space Force has often found itself compared unfavorably to the NRO, which uses a more streamlined process in its acquisitions. Rep. Jim Cooper (D-Tenn.), chairman of the House Armed Services strategic forces subcommittee, noted that one of the reasons he advocated for a separate military space service was "because the Air Force was neglecting its space mission and not performing as well as the NRO." Kendall said a reorganization of the Space Systems Command – the Space Force's main technology developer and procurement arm – is expected to begin in 2022. A restructuring of the acquisition bureaucracy may not deliver results overnight, but "it's difficult to argue that there is no room for improvement," said space industry analyst Andrew Penn of the consulting firm Avascent. The Space Systems Command (previously known as the Space and Missile Systems Center) "has not been known for being the most efficient organization," he said. "How an organization structures itself directly affects its ability to meet its objectives and perform its mission," he added. On what specific improvements this reorganization will accomplish, "time will tell." A key element of the nation's strategy to protect satellites from attack will be to field them in large numbers, as more targets make it more expensive for enemies to take down a space network. To this end, a critical development to watch in 2022 is the Space Development Agency's planned launch of its first batch of satellites in low Earth orbit. This initial deployment will serve as the foundation of a military megaconstellation that could number close to 1,000 spacecraft by 2026. SDA will field sensor satellites to find missiles and hypersonic weapons. SDA will also deploy communications satellites to disseminate information rapidly to warfighters. These LEO networks will supplement existing legacy satellites in geostationary orbit that the Pentagon fears will come under attack during a conflict. The SDA's accelerated timeline is unusual in military programs, so pulling off a 2022 launch as promised would be a significant achievement for the less than three-year-old agency that chose as its motto Semper Citius, Latin for "always faster." No matter how technically advanced or how affordable a program is, "if it is not there when you need it, it's worthless," said SDA Director Derek Tournear. SDA's success could significantly impact DoD's role as a customer of the commercial space sector, said industry analyst Chris Quilty of Quilty Analytics. The proliferated architecture planned by SDA also puts DoD in a position to take advantage of lower-cost commercial technologies and "strengthen a vibrant ecosystem of companies, both established and new space," said Quilty. "By bulk ordering approximately 150 satellites every two years, SDA can maintain a strong and diverse domestic supplier base while mitigating protests." The SDA later this year will transfer from the Office of the Secretary of Defense to the Space Force, a reorganization scheduled for October. Some have questioned whether the realignment risks introducing slow and cumbersome DoD procurement habits into SDA's more agile processes. Penn, the industry analyst, said the transition should be relatively smooth. He compared it to an established company acquiring a startup and letting it continue to operate as a quasi-independent subsidiary, at least for the first several years. "I do not think the Space Force would meaningfully interfere in the SDA's first few acquisitions," he said. "Over time, that may change. But an early SDA failure, whether it be spacecraft performance, schedule, or cost-related, would undermine both organizations and the national security of the nation," Penn added. "Ultimately, both organizations share the same goal of delivering timely and resilient space-based capabilities to the warfighter and will work together to achieve that goal." Companies in the defense and space industries in 2022 will be watching how the Space Force moves forward with the design of next-generation systems. A hint of what's to come was provided in late 2021 by the Space Warfighting Analysis Center (SWAC), a newly created Space Force organization responsible for conducting analysis, modeling, wargaming and experimentation to create operational concepts and force design guidance for the service. The SWAC's first project is to design the future missile warning architecture, or what mix of satellites in what orbits would be needed to detect and track enemy missiles and hypersonic glide vehicles. Compared to the traditional approach for developing military systems — publishing a list of requirements and asking contractors for bids on satellites built to spec — the SWAC asks companies to submit digital models. Andrew Cox, the director of the SWAC, said the industry's digital models would be used in wargames and simulations to determine if the proposed satellite designs are resilient to attacks. Many in the space industry think the SWAC is "an excellent idea on paper," said Penn. "A single clearinghouse looking at the big picture and engaging with industry in a fundamental way that aligns capability with customer needs could be very beneficial," he said. "What remains to be seen is how much influence it will have." The U.S. satellite imagery industry is eagerly awaiting a decision this year by the National Reconnaissance Office. The agency is expected to select domestic companies to join Maxar Technologies as the NRO's main suppliers of satellite imagery. This procurement, known as the Electro-Optical Commercial Layer (EOCL), will replace the current single-vendor agreement signed with Maxar more than a decade ago. The NRO operates the nation's spy satellites and procures commercial imagery for the military, homeland security organizations and the intelligence community. NRO imagery deals are a major opportunity for emerging players like Planet and BlackSky, said Quilty, the industry analyst. The NRO currently pays Maxar $300 million a year for access to the company's high-resolution imagery satellites and image archive. The company's contract has been extended until August 2022, so the question now is how many suppliers besides Maxar will receive EOCL contracts, and will the NRO raise overall spending on commercial imagery above $300 million. Pete Muend, director of the NRO's commercial imagery program, has insisted that the agency wants to take advantage of private-sector capabilities as a legitimate alternative to government-owned spy satellites. The NRO will be looking for a mix of vendors that can provide high-resolution imagery, rapid refresh rates and complementary phenomenologies that work together to give government analysts a more comprehensive intelligence picture. "It's very important to make sure that there is U.S. space leadership in the future. And a big part of that is commercial space leadership," Muend said. "And so we're very focused on making sure that the U.S. enterprises involved in commercial space are at the forefront and do what we can in order to help enable that." Also on the horizon in 2022 is the NRO's plan to procure synthetic aperture radar (SAR) imagery from a growing cadre of commercial vendors. United Launch Alliance a year ago was projecting a 2021 debut for Vulcan Centaur, a heavy-lift rocket powered by the BE-4 engine made by Jeff Bezos' Blue Origin. But meeting that goal was hugely dependent on Blue Origin completing engine development and delivering two flight-ready BE-4s. Those engines have not yet been delivered, and Vulcan's first flight timetable continues to shift to the right. ULA now projects receiving engines in mid-2022 and flying Vulcan by year's end. Meanwhile, ULA's margin for schedule slippage keeps shrinking as Vulcan must complete two successful launches — for commercial customers Astrobotic and Sierra Space — before it can be certified by the U.S. Space Force to fly national security missions. ULA so far has been assigned four missions under its National Security Space Launch Phase 2 contract. ULA got the top score in the NSSL competition, edging out SpaceX to claim a 60 percent share of the up to 35 missions covered under the contract. Due to Vulcan delays, ULA's first Phase 2 mission has already been reassigned to the company's legacy rocket Atlas 5. ULA's CEO Tory Bruno said Vulcan will be ready for NSSL missions in 2023. If that doesn't happen, using the Atlas 5 would no longer provide a backup option. ULA sold its remaining Atlas 5 inventory to Amazon to launch the Project Kuiper internet constellation. If Vulcan is not ready for NSSL launches by 2023, the next option for the Space Force would be to reassign ULA's missions to SpaceX. "The reason to have two launch providers is that if something happens to one, and you've got another one to rely on," noted Kendall, the U.S. Air Force secretary. The space industry could see as many as four or five commercial heavy rockets debut in 2022. Besides ULA's Vulcan, Blue Origin's New Glenn projects its first launch late in the year, as well as two new international heavy launch competitors: Europe's Ariane 6 and Japan's H3. SpaceX is also targeting the first orbital test of its Starship vehicle. In 2021 Virgin Galactic flew humans to space, Blue Origin flew three times its New Shepard suborbital vehicle with crews on board, and SpaceX's Crew Dragon made its first commercial flight with private astronauts. "If 2021 was the year of commercial space tourism, then 2022 might be the year of the next-gen heavy launcher," said Penn, the industry analyst. "Never in history have so many heavy launch vehicles debuted in the same year," he said. Also expected to fly for the first time in 2022 are small launch providers Relativity and ABL Space Systems, both of which have won contracts to launch military payloads. "I'm excited about them," said Penn. Having additional players in the launch industry not only brings new capabilities to government and commercial markets but also helps bring down the price of launch, he said. If both Relativity and ABL Space start flying, "that would certainly be welcomed by smallsat operators and bring added competition to the dedicated small launch market." Other small satellite launchers to watch in 2022 are Virgin Orbit and Astra Space, both of which have won military contracts. Virgin Orbit launched twice in 2021 and has forecast six missions for 2022. Astra Space is expected to pick up its cadence next year after completing its first orbital launch in 2021.
2/20/22
Broadband DA
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 6 | Opponent: Lexington AT | Judge: Srey Das
Starlink is key to Precision Ag – key to food sustainability and increasing food supply to account for exponential population growth.
Greensight 21 3-15-2021 "Can Starlink Save the World by Connecting Farms?" https://www.greensightag.com/logbook/can-starlink-save-the-world-by-connecting-farms/ (Data Management Consulting Firm)Elmer GreenSight innovates in a number of different areas, but one of the areas we AND advancing access to precision agriculture globally and contributing to solving global food challenges.
Cribb 19 Julian Cribb 8-23-2019 "Food or War" https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/food-or-war/hotspots-for-food-conflict-in-the-twentyfirst-century/1CD674412E09B8E6F325C9C0A0A6778A (principal of Julian Cribb and Associates who provide specialist consultancy in the communication of science, agriculture, food, mining, energy and the environment. , His published work includes over 8000 articles, 3000 media releases and eight books. He has received 32 awards for journalism.)Elmer Future Food Wars The mounting threat to world peace posed by a food, climate AND million, would be displaced from their homes in Sub-Saharan Africa.
2/20/22
Broken things
Tournament: Things being broken | Round: Finals | Opponent: God | Judge: Help MTCR CP- R3 vs Marl MS- It's opensourced, cites broken
2/6/22
Bunkers CP
Tournament: UNLV | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Mission San Jose SR | Judge: Panel
The United States federal government should construct isolated, continuously manned, self-sufficient underground and underwater refuges that can support at least 100 people.
Solves extinction from nuclear war
Karim Jebari 15. Royal Institute of Technology, KTH, Teknikringen. 06/2015. "Existential Risks: Exploring a Robust Risk Reduction Strategy." Science and Engineering Ethics, vol. 21, no. 3, pp. 541–554. Costs While this measure would be quite expensive, it would probably be much cheaper AND be needed to fully assess the costs, and social and technological challenges.
Interps—- teams must disclose their aff 30 minutes before the round Violation—they disclosed x minutes before
Predictability subsets clash debates—- makes it impossible to know the neg strat and creates a reliance on shifty aff tactics 2- Education—- back and forth discussion is key to education—- we can't do that when we don't know what we're talking about 3- Fairness—- We were here to disclose—- its reciprocal
2/6/22
Disclosure theory r1 Harvard
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 1 | Opponent: Clements MM | Judge: Jada Bourne
Interp—- Affirmative disclosure must be reciprocal with negative disclosure
Violation—- the aff refused to disclose after asking us first—-
1~ Email—- we were asked what the negative strategies have been including round reports before—- we disclosed fairly and they should too—-
2~ Wiki—- affirmative teams should disclose the 1AC that was read every round—- they never did
Standards—- ~a~ Reciprocity—- infinite aff prep means aff teams should already be prepared against negative strategies—- they skew clash over the aff by justifying a new switch to obviate our arguments ~b~ Strat skew—- Disclosure is a necessary policy for the aff but not the neg—- asking dictates a reciprocal approach in which they should be good actors instead of prepping us out to avoid fairness ~c~ Its new—- justifies the above standards because it proves its exclusively to make negative debating harder on an already hyper-broad topic
Defense -
A~ They don't get I meets—- I asked them what the aff was and they refused to disclose reciprocally—- they don't get an out B~ Yes impact—- forcing us to prep multiple possible negatives within the same timeframe as they get to prep us out makes strategy skews inevitable C~ No new theory—- they read an underview and could've been a good actor —- and no RVIs—- we shouldn't lose for saying they did something bad—- that justifies big schools scaring small schools for challenging their heg etc D~ neg theory is drop the debater—- dropping the arg makes no sense because it's a neg presumption ballot if they don't have an aff
Interpretation – The affirmative can only garner offense from "the appropriation of outer space by private entities being unjust". To clarify, they can't garner offense off of methods to solve private entities appropriating outer space such as treaties or actor action.
Violation – They have extra offense from adopting a binding international agreement, and establishing outer space as a global common subject to regulatory deliming and liability
Standards:
1~ Limits – Only our interp accurately sets the upper limit to the topic. The CI will let the aff garner offense from any possible way to reduce property rights/private appropriation, which can range from treaties like OST, PTD, Common Heritage or state/actor action, which there are hundreds of. 0 chance the neg can prep for all possible offense relating to space possible and forces random LARP generics, turns edu by spreading us thin
2~ Neg-flex – Forces the negative to allows fall back onto generics that can never have the potential to engage with affirmative on a content level. Aff gets 2 months to pigeonhole and prep out every neg arg
3~ Education – 2-month time limit on the topic means every round is valuable. Specific education about the direct question the resolution asks is the only take away we get from this event. Precision in what they aff can read forces concise topic research in a limited area that allows us to deeply explore every area of the topic.
Paradigms -
Extra T is drop the debater – We indict your ability to read and garner offense from the affirmative in the first place.
Competing interps over reasonability – Reasonability is always arbitrary and innvites judge intervention
No RVIs on Extra T –
1~ Extra T is a gateway issue – Affirmative is always proactive while the neg is reactive. we always have to hyper tailor T args to the affirmative while the aff can just prep out the few
2~ Illogical – You don't get to win for following the rules
3~ Deterrence – deters debaters from calling out untopical affs, otherwise unfair affs always win
outweighs 1AR theory, it's a forced reaction to untopical affs
2/6/22
Fwk - Harvard R1
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 1 | Opponent: Clements MM | Judge: Jada Bourne
Interpretation: Affirmatives should affirm whether or not a hypothetical action should be taken to resolve the resolution of "resolved: the appropriation of space by private entities is unjust" Resolved" means to enact a policy by law.
Words and Phrases '64 (Words and Phrases; 1964; Permanent Edition) Definition of the word "resolve," given by Webster is "to express an AND ," which is defined by Bouvier as meaning "to establish by law".
Prefer it:
Predictable stasis—- Only a resolutional focus on hypothetical government action maintains equitable research burdens, a predictable stasis for aff and neg ground, and a stable mechanism to test aff solvency—- each is key to education
Clash—- having regulated and predictable negative ground is key to having evenly contestable debates. Specifically, predictable ground is important, 2AC reclarifications of what we could have read means nothing if we couldn't have predicted it in the first place
Anatomizing Power—-the aff's attempt to shift the focus away from the core imperial power of the USFG which reflects a privileged position that obscures national liberation movements and hinders them by removing pressure from the USFG—- put away fancy worded framework disads, their bottom up analysis fails to climb up to the global economic floor which is the root cause to 1AC impacts
Maupin, 21 ~Caleb Maupin is a widely acclaimed speaker, writer, journalist, and political analyst. He has traveled extensively in the Middle East and in Latin America. He was involved with the Occupy Wall Street movement from its early planning stages, and has been involved many struggles for social justice. He is an outspoken advocate of international friendship and cooperation, as well as 21st Century Socialism. "Chapter Two: Redefining Capitalism and Socialism," 7/1/21, Midwestern Marx~ Kropotkin's writing has an almost religious faith in the good intentions of human beings and AND semites reveals a very big flaw in the BreadTube sphere and its viewpoint.
There was only ever one debate to be had, that of being versus becoming. This card is extremely complicated and if you even try to answer it you're gonna lose.
Bataille 1985 Georges. "The labyrinth." trans. Allan Stoekl, Visions of Excess, ed. Allan Stoekl (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1985) 5 (1985). The Labyrinth (1930). Michigan km 3, recut by fhs-cm JMK Damien-AD This evidence is gender-modified – pronouns are replaced in brackets Negativity AND not totally opened beneath its feet.bGeorges Bataille/b
We are becoming the High Unpredictables of the Church of the SubGenius who absolutely refuse to take ourselves seriously! In laughter we find ourselves and Others by breaking from western conceptions of desire – we are not everything, we will eventually disappear and we know absolutely nothing – but we're okay with that! Are you?
Bordun 13 (Troy M. Bordun, PhD in Philosophy and Cultural Studies, Western University, "Georges Bataille, Philosopher of Laughter," https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1000andcontext=mllgradconference, pages 2-8, accessed 10/29/20, emma millar) Expenditure is a loss of bodily energy, finding that expenditure pleasurable (if we AND identities which are comprised of seriousness, projects, immortality, and the like
Interpretation – The aff must only garner offense from private entities appropriating outer space, to clarify, the aff may not gain offense off of Asteroids, Planets, or other celestial bodies
Outer space, also simply called space, refers to the relatively empty regions of the universe outside the atmospheres of celestial bodies. Outer space is used to distinguish it from airspace (and terrestrial locations).
AND density of particles, predominantly hydrogen gas, as well as electromagnetic radiation.
an aggregation of matter in the universe (such as a planet, star, or nebula) that can be considered as a single unit (as for astronomical study)
2~ Logical definition – If we set up a colony on mars and people live there, the Martians wouldn't say they are living in outer space, they would call outer space stuff outside of their atmosphere, now generalize for all celestial bodies
Standards:
1~ Limits – Only our interp accurately sets the upper limit to the topic. The CI will let the aff spec any planet or celestial body, like "The appropriation of Europa by private entities is unjust" and have legitimate offense under the plan. This makes it impossible for the neg to prep out all the different possible affs and kills fairness.
2~ Precision – Outer space is a common scientific term and is used to refer to "empty space" rather than celestial bodies. Precise readings of the topic allow us to get to the core controversy of the topic and discuss the nuances within it. Only 2 months to discuss the topic means we should discuss the right topic. Leads to in depth topic ed as we focus on the justice of taking space which stays pretty constant throughout the universe instead of random asteroids, planets, and stars.
3~ Ground – The aff can find obscure articles antagonizing the mining or colonization of other planets, and then just say private companies appropriating X part of "outer space" is topical. Neg will always be on the back foot since the neg has to be responsive to the aff for edu value but there isn't always an author saying why we should colonize Io for example, but the aff doesn't have to care since they decide the field of battle, killing any possible edu value of the round or real fairness
Voters -
1~ Education – 2-month time limit on the topic means every round is valuable. Specific education about the direct question the resolution asks is the only take away we get from this event. Precision in what they aff can read forces concise topic research in a limited area that allows us to deeply explore every area of the topic.
2~ Fairness – Fairness controls engagement with the 1AC and what we are actually able to do in the round. If the game stops becoming fair we have no reason to play in the first place. If every round was 80/20 skewed towards the aff then no one would ever be able to play the game. Fairness is key to clash and is an internal link into any of their offense
Paradigms -
Topicality is drop the debater – We indict your ability to read and garner offense from the affirmative in the first place. Drop the argument on T also decks the entire aff so they are equivalent. The more the aff drops offense to meet the shell the less they solve and you can vote on presumption.
Competing interps over reasonability – Reasonability is always arbitrary and can never set a Brightline on what is reasonable and what isn't. T is a question of models not specific affirmatives or rounds.
No RVIs on T –
1~ T is a gateway issue for the negative towards the affirmative. Affirmative is always proactive towards topicality while the neg is forced to always be reactive towards the affirmative. The ground is skewed because we always have to hyper tailor T args to the affirmative while the aff can infinitely prep out the 6 T shells on the Topic.
2~ Illogical – You don't get to win for following the rules. That's like me getting to win because I didn't read 8 condo positions
3~ Deterrence – Winning you are topical isn't justification for an aff ballot. Deters debaters from calling out untopical affs against techier opponents because they will always lose on the flow even if they are true. Shouldn't actively punish for trying to meet the rules of the game.
T outweighs 1AR theory –
1~ T is a forced reaction to untopical affs, even if we did something wrong, you drew first blood. Any abuse from the negative is predicated by abuse from the affirmative.
2~ All theory collapses to reasonability. Evaluate competing interps about the rules of the topic before arbitrary discussion of the rules of the game.
Midisclosure is a voting issue—- check the 1AC sent in the chat it's not the one read in the 1AC—- makes 1NC strategy impossible because this aff wasn't disclosed on the wiki or in round—- it's a voter for clash and fairness and you can cross apply the no new 1AR theory from the T flow
TEXT: The Outer Space Treaty ought to be amended to establish an international legal trust system governing outer space that does not ban the appropriation of space resources by private entities, but gives property rights. The Legal trust would include private property rights and would ensure the sustainable development as well as the equitable distribution of space resources.
We stopped appeasing Russia – they'll pocket concessions from coop and increase aggression – tensions aren't the result of understandings but hardened differences
Haddad and Polakova 18 ~Benjamin Haddad Director, Future Europe Initiative - Atlantic Council. Alina Polyakova Director, Project on Global Democracy and Emerging Technology Fellow - Foreign Policy, Center on the United States and Europe. Don't rehabilitate Obama on Russia. March 5, 2018. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2018/03/05/dont-rehabilitate-obama-on-russia/~~ Obama's much-ballyhooed "Reset" with Russia, launched in 2009, was AND If he wanted a pliant ally in America, he has abjectly failed.
Appeasing Russia shreds the NPT and causes nuke prolif – extinction
Umland 17 ~Andreas Umland is a German political scientist, historian and Russian interpreter, specializing in contemporary Russian and Ukrainian history. He is a Member of the Institute for Central and East European Studies at the Catholic University, and a senior research fellow at the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation in Kyiv. The Price of Appeasing Russian Adventurism. January 16, 2017. https://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/67692~~ A major foreign policy challenge for the incoming U.S. administration will be AND line with the logic of the world's nonproliferation regime with regard to Ukraine.
Diakovska 20 ~Halyna Diakovska and Olga Aliieva, Ph.D.s in Philosophy, Associate Professors, Donbass State Pedagogical University, "Consequentialism and Commercial Space Exploration," 2020, Philosophy and Cosmology, Vol. 24, pp. 5-24, https://doi.org/10.29202/phil-cosm/24/1, EA~ The experience of the USA showed that leadership in space exploration, which is maintained AND is integrated into the international legal field and is governed by its laws.
But appropriation is key to transform short-term goals into settlement.
Jonckheere 18 ~Evarist Jonckheere, Master of Laws, Ghent University, "The Privatization of Outer Space and the Consequences for Space Law," 2018, Master's Thesis, https://libstore.ugent.be/fulltxt/RUG01/002/479/330/RUG01-002479330_2018_0001_AC.pdf, EA~ The reality is that private enterprises are already moving in a direction that will need AND regime should however ensure fairness and order between the competing space entrepreneurs.195
That prevents other-wise inevitable extinction – independently creates massive tech spillover, global coop, and new resources.
Green 21 ~Brian Patrick Green, director of technology ethics at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics, Santa Clara University, "Space Ethics," 2021, Rowman, pp. 4-5, EA~ In favor of going into space are such basics as gaining scientific knowledge and developing AND . This is a dire fate, but less terrible than the first.
Immeasurable expected value also outweighs.
Baum 16 – Executive Director of the Global Catastrophic Risk Institute ~Seth D. Baum, "The Ethics of Outer Space: A Consequentialist Perspective," 2016, Springer, pp. 115-116, EA~ Space colonization is notable because it may be able to bring utterly immense increases in AND or bringing ecosystems into Dyson swarms could bring immense amounts of ecosystem flourishing.
Interpretation: debaters must refrain from the usage of fiat
The usage of fiat is uniquely bad and a voting issue:
A~ Presumption – the affirmative doesn't do anything; they just suggest actions from an external actor, meaning they resolve none of their impacts, meaning you vote neg on presumption
B~ Strat Skew – fiat allows affirmatives to spike out of answers under the guise of "we can fiat past this" – decks neg solvency deficits and ground which is more often than not already unfairly skewed because of an aff-biased resolution
2/20/22
Rural Revolution K
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 1 | Opponent: Clements MM | Judge: Jada Bourne
The process of assimilation into European frames of resistance is an ongoing process in which the "intellectual European" understands their inecessity and instead attempts to immortalize themselves through systems of existing power by framing resistance as possible within current models of understanding resistance and others Timofei Gerber 19 ~Dec 2019, The Epoche, Issue ~#27, MA in philosophy from the University of Heidelberg, Germany. He is also a co-editor of this magazine, Frantz Fanon: Anticolonial Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, https://epochemagazine.org/27/frantz-fanon-anticolonial-revolutions-and-revolutionary-theory//Hooch-EKH~
In a recorded conversation from 1972, Foucault and Deleuze talk about being "in the process of experiencing a new relationship between theory and practice" (Foucault/Deleuze, 205), one that had begun "in the most recent upheaval" (ibid., 207). They are here referring to the events of May 68. Deleuze continues: "At one time, practice was considered an application of theory, a consequence, at other times, it had an opposite sense and it was thought to inspire theory, to be indispensable for the creation of future theoretical forms" (ibid.). In either case, be it that theory, in the form of political and philosophical analysis, precedes practice, or that it is the result of political struggle, they are understood as distinct entities forming a hierarchical relationship. He adds that while previously, "their relationship was understood in terms of a process of totalization," it is now "far more partial and fragmentary" (ibid.). One might be tempted to see here, especially in the last statement, an expression of what came to be known as postmodernism — the change from a concept of an all-encompassing knowledge to a multiplicity of 'knowledges' and all its madness. But it is clear that this shift is not to be understood as an abstract sliding into so-called post-truth, but as a concrete political realisation. Foucault notes: "In the most recent upheaval, the intellectual discovered that the masses no longer need him to gain knowledge: they know perfectly well, without illusion; they know far better than he and they are certainly capable of expressing themselves. But there exists a system of power which blocks, prohibits, and invalidates this discourse and this knowledge, a power not only found in the manifest authority of censorship, but one that profoundly and subtly penetrates an entire societal network" (ibid., 207). It is for that reason that the intellectual's role changes profoundly. It is no longer about standing on the forefront of the people with his prefabricated theory in hand, but "to struggle against the forms of power that transform him into its object and instrument in the sphere of 'knowledge,' 'truth,' 'consciousness,' and 'discourse'" (ibid., 208). The intellectual's integration into the grid, for example through the university or the media, and the potentiality of him himself becoming a representative of the power structures, leads to a much more precarious position. As he gains insight into "the indignity of speaking for others" (ibid., Deleuze, 209), he can no longer position himself as a representative of the people. Foucault and Deleuze are very astute in their observation and its consequences, but they are wrong, and slightly narcissistic, in ascribing it to the political events of 1968, in which they themselves have participated. The profound shift in the relationship between theory and practice, its abandonment of universal totalisations, goes back to the revolutionary anticolonial struggle. May 68 happened 6 years after the Algerian War of Independence had ended, in a time where France was still struggling to establish its postcolonial order. One year earlier, in 1961, Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth was published, a few days after the author's death. This book, which Fanon wrote as an active participant of the Algerian War, anticipates and realises, as a 'theory' on the anticolonial struggle, the shift that Deleuze and Foucault will talk about 11 years later. That the relation between theory of practice was of primary importance for the thinkers of the African anticolonial struggles becomes clear from a quick look at the biographies of its most famous representatives, like Césaire, Senghor, Cabral, and, of course, Frantz Fanon. But it is not this activism that was the 'novelty' of anticolonial thinkers, as one might invoke, for example, Rosa Luxemburg, or others who wrote philosophical or political analyses. To understand their novelty, we have to look not at their biographies, but at their thoughts. More specifically, what Fanon and other anticolonial thinkers have realised, is that the analysis of the colonial situation necessitated a completely new theoretical frame, which included a rethinking of the relationship between theory and practice. As the dominant reference for critical analysis of a political and economic situation was Marxism, this meant a break with this tradition, including the Marxist notion of the revolutionary intellectual. This rupture was not only due to the fact that the Marxist analysis was deemed inappropriate for the analysis of the economic situation of the colony, which is, as we'll see, structurally very different from the conditions of European capitalism. More radically, it is an abandonment of Western historiography, within which Africa is considered to be 'lagging behind' Europe, so that it needs to 'catch up' in the processes of industrialisation and 'civilisation'. The rupture with the Marxist tradition, whose linear historiography remains within "Eurocentric assimilationism" (Armah, 50), was in that sense also the call for the colonies to abandon the imitation of the West and to find its own way: "Let us decide not to imitate Europe and let us tense our muscles and our brains in a new direction. Let us endeavor to invent a man in full, something which Europe has been incapable of achieving" (Fanon, 326).
The continued wait for a moment of rupture extremifies the stereotype of the "lazy African and Arab," engaging solely in noncompliance. This reliance on an integration into and out of academia solidifies the necessity of a "totalizing theory" which makes revolution impossible. The affirmative results in the imitation of the European form of cultural production by implanting the essential value of a "purely educated" movement. The alternative is the rural resistance—- a violent revolution which centers the rurality of colonization and a rejection of "modernization"—- reject the call to a "theory and praxis" and instead a forgetting of education as a core question of resistance Timofei Gerber 19 ~Dec 2019, The Epoche, Issue ~#27, MA in philosophy from the University of Heidelberg, Germany. He is also a co-editor of this magazine, Frantz Fanon: Anticolonial Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, https://epochemagazine.org/27/frantz-fanon-anticolonial-revolutions-and-revolutionary-theory//Hooch-EKH~
The anticolonial struggle is as old as the colonies themselves, and so are the attempts to find a conceptual framework that could help the people get rid of the intruders. The inherent role of theory is therefore not to interpret the world, but to change it. The advantage of Marxism was that it not only offered the tools for economic analysis, but also sketched out a pathway towards revolution. Communism, with its egalitarian principles, obviously contrasted starkly against the violent exploitation of the autochthonous peoples by capitalist countries; and as the inherent connection of capitalism and imperialism has long been noticed by Marxist theorists, the anticolonial struggle could not avoid being anticapitalistic. Maybe that's one of the reasons why anticolonial theories are kept under wraps nowadays. One of the primary questions for Fanon and for other theorists of the anticolonial struggle was, then, if the Marxist framework was appropriate for an analysis of the colonial situation and if it offered the appropriate instruments to lead the people to freedom. This question was very much discussed, already in the 40's, in anticolonial journals like Présence Africaine or in Phylon, founded by W.E.B. DuBois, and where political questions from an African-American perspective were discussed. Fanon's references to Marx are therefore not exceptional. "It is not just the concept of the precapitalist society, so effectively studied by Marx, which needs to be reexamined here. The serf is essentially different from the knight, but a reference to divine right is needed to justify this difference in status. In the colonies the foreigner imposed himself using his cannons and machines. Despite the success of his pacification, in spite of his appropriation, the colonist always remains a foreigner. It is not the factories, the estates, or the bank account which primarily characterize the 'ruling class'. The ruling species is first and foremost the outsider from elsewhere, different from the indigenous population, 'the others'" (Fanon, 5). As we can see, Fanon notes two differences to the Marxist framework: First of all, there is a difference in legitimation. While, of course, the 19th and the 20th centuries were ripe with theories of racial superiority, the factual basis of the control over the colonies was always violence. As much as the reduction "to the state of the animal," and the use of "zoological terms" has affected the psyche of the colonised, "they know they are not animals. And at the very moment when they discover their humanity, they begin to sharpen their weapons to secure its victory" (ibid., 7f.). The second difference is that within industrial capitalism, it is a class that is exploited by another class, one part of the population by the other, while in the colony, the whole population is exploited, oppressed, and enslaved by an external force. Of course, it is well-known that colonisation doesn't work without building alliances with local elites, with preferential treatments for chosen ethnic groups, and other strategies of fragmentation. But as the actual exploiter remains on the outside, there can be no class dynamic in the strict sense; it rather amounts to tribalisms that express the constant frustration of the people. "The colonial world is a Manichaean world," in which the colonised is turned "into a kind of quintessence of evil" (ibid., 6). Due to this absolute segregation built on racist grounds, even the elite, in as far as it can claim to differentiate itself from the masses, is barred from assimilation. Let us return to the first aspect that we've noted above, violence, as it is central for Fanon's analysis and titles the first chapter of The Wretched of the Earth. As the history of the colonies, as much as the history of slavery, shows, attempts at pacification never succeed: Neither the slave nor the colonised have failed to seize any opportunity to rebel, to organise and to fight against the aggressors. Direct violence therefore remains the primary method of upholding order. As effective as this method is, its result is not pacification, but quite the contrary, that the colonised is under constant "muscular tension" (ibid., 17), which, during 'stable' colonial times is expressed in tribal aggressions, criminality, or deviated to the fatalism of religion, which once again serves as the 'opiate of the masses' (ref. ibid., 18). Still, due to the open nature of colonial violence, the people are also constantly aware of the source of their misery. In that sense, they are inherently politicised, which expresses itself daily in the act of non-cooperation. The latter was racially reinterpreted as the 'natural laziness' of Africans or Arabs —meanwhile, "the colonized's indolence is a conscious way of sabotaging the colonial machine" (ibid., 220). One can say for that reason that for minorities, for suppressed people in general, there is no difference between the private and the public: The decision to work hard or not is a political decision, to adhere to tradition is an act of defiance, while blindly accepting 'modernisation' is a betrayal of the people. The choice of clothing, of language, of consumer items, and the newspaper one reads — they all become a function of struggle or of submission. In short, the revolution only awaits its opportunity, and will happen on its own once the circumstances allow it. That's why the people don't need theory to be awoken; they are permanently ready, and it is with them that the struggle will begin. The seemingly stable situation of the colony is in fact a state of permanent pre-revolution. But, as we have noted, not everyone is suppressed in the same way. Nestled in the relative comfort of the city, the colonised intellectual comes into contact with "the colonialist bourgeoisie," which, "by way of its academics, had implanted in the minds of the colonized that the essential values — meaning Western values — remain eternal despite all errors attributable to man" (ibid., 11). By accepting his own culture's inferiority, the intellectual starts not only imitating European forms of cultural production and the bourgeois ideals that it expresses, but also produces his work "exclusively with the oppressor in mind" (ibid., 173), as he needs to prove to him that he is not as inferior as his confrères. In this distantiation, which mimics bourgeois individualism, he becomes blind to the pleas and to the misery of the people. As he accepts the coloniser's racist ideas, he also accepts the necessity of the colonial situation, which 'helps' the uncivilised to at least somehow enter the realm of reason. At best, he joins the national party and becomes a proponent of reform to at least slightly ameliorate the misery of the colonised nation (cf. ibid. 21). In short, in the colonial situation, it is the intellectual who is affected by a profound blindness, which makes him inherently inept to bring forth the liberation of the people. The intellectual isn't a leader, he 'can't read the signs'; in the colonised situation, the intellectual is the blindest of all. In regard to the Marxist-Leninist conception, where it is the vanguard party that is to induce class consciousness, and thereby revolutionary intention to the people, the colonial situation is marked by a clear inversion. As power expresses itself through violence and not (only) exploitation, the people can't help but be conscious and at least rudimentarily political. There is no need to 'decipher the signs'. This is not to say that the European workers of the 19th century, who had to live and work in horrible conditions, weren't aware of their condition. The history of the self-organisation of workers speaks for itself. But the Marxist-Leninist conceptual frame tends to underestimate such spontaneous organisations and deems them unable to realise the revolution. Either way, the contrast is evident in the colonial situation: The revolution, when it starts, starts with the people, and the intellectual actually arrives 'late for the party'. If he is sympathetic to revolution, he constantly awaits the moment where the people are 'ripe' for revolution, or when a revolution becomes feasible (his only way out of this impasse is, as we'll see, if he is forced to flee from the city and to hide within the peasantry). But as, rationally speaking, the coloniser, with his weapons and technologically advanced army, will remain 'objectively' superior, this moment will never come. But the people are not awaiting the intellectual's permissions. Permanently alert and under tension, they are but waiting for the situation to gradually change until open rebellion becomes not 'realistically feasible', but objectively necessary: "Colonial exploitation, poverty, and endemic famine increasingly force the colonized into open, organized rebellion. Gradually, imperceptibly, the need for a decisive confrontation imposes itself and is eventually felt by the great majority of the people. Tensions emerge where previously there were none. International events, the collapse of whole sections of colonial empires and the inherent contradictions of the colonial system stimulate and strengthen combativity, motivating and invigorating the national consciousness" (ibid., 172). The question of theory hereby becomes more poignant: Why is the intellectual, theory, even needed? If the people are aware and revolutionary by default, what use do they have for analysis? It is true, the revolution is born out of spontaneity, but as the title of the second chapter — Grandeur and Weakness of Spontaneity — indicates, it is marked by an inherent ambivalence. What is it that the people want? "They are governed by a simple doctrine: The nation must be made to exist. There is no program, no discourse, there are no resolutions, no factions. The problem is clear-cut: The foreigners must leave. Let us build a common front against the oppressor and let us reinforce it with armed struggle" (ibid., 83). As the colonial situation is marked by a Manichean division, the first step of opposition has a dialectical clarity. The enemy is immediately recognised. The antidote against colonial violence is just as obvious: the violence of the revolution. But the latter is of a completely different fabric than the former. While the violence of the coloniser follows a politics of fragmentation, and has as its only goal to suppress, the alignment of the people's violence to one purpose and to one enemy has a unifying and liberating effect: "In a state of genuine collective ecstasy rival families decide to wipe the slate clean and forget the past. Reconciliations abound. Deep-buried, traditional hatreds are dug up, the better to root them out. Faith in the nation furthers political consciousness. National unity begins with the unity of the group, the settling of old scores, and the elimination once and for all of any resentment" (ibid.). We have now talked about 'the people' like some abstract entity. A closer look at the colony's economic structure will offer us insight, who exactly they are. As Fanon notes, "colonial domination ~gives~ preferential treatment to certain regions. ~…~ Colonialism almost never exploits the entire country. It is content with extracting natural resources and exporting them to the metropolitan industries thereby enabling a specific sector to grow relatively wealthy, while the rest of the colony continues, or rather sinks, into underdevelopment and poverty" (ibid., 106). Colonies are therefore marked by a strong divide between the rural and the urban, whereas the former, exploited for monocultures, is barely diversified and industrialised, so that "the rural masses still live in a feudal state whose overbearingly medieval structure is nurtured by the colonial administrators and army" (ibid., 65). It is for that reason that the truly revolutionary parts of the population are the peasantry and the lumpen-proletariat, those who migrate to the city trying to evade the rural misery, but who get stuck in the slums, jobless and poor. They are the ones who have "nothing to lose" (ibid., 23). The revolution therefore originates in the rural 'masses'. It is this situation that the militant intellectual, who refuses both assimilation and reformism, is confronted with. With a relatively complacent elite and a reactionary national party, he fails to initiate a revolutionary movement in the city, and, hunted by the police, he is finally forced to leave it and hide with the people (ibid. 28f.). But this exile is, so to speak, the best that could happen to him, for it is here that he establishes contact with the people. This aspect is fundamental for Fanon, as it has several consequences. First of all, the exiled militant rids himself of "all the Mediterranean values, the triumph of the individual, of enlightenment and Beauty" that "turn into pale, lifeless trinkets. All those discourses appear a jumble of dead words. Those values which seemed to ennoble the soul prove worthless because they have nothing in common with the real-life struggle in which the people are engaged" (ibid., 11). Second, he hears "the true voice of the country" and sees "the great and infinite misery of the people" (ibid., 79). These militants "discover that the rural masses have never ceased to pose the problem of their liberation in terms of violence, of taking back the land from the foreigners, in terms of national struggle and armed revolt. Everything is simple. These men discover a coherent people who survive in a kind of petrified state, but keep intact their moral values and their attachment to the nation. They discover a generous people, prepared to make sacrifices, willing to give all they have, impatient, with an indestructible pride" (ibid.). And last, but most importantly, they understand that it is not them who are to lead the people, and that they have to "let themselves be guided by the people and at the same time give them military and political training. The people sharpen their weapons. In fact the training proves short-lived, for the masses, realizing the strength of their own muscles, force the leaders to accelerate events" (ibid.). The intellectuals learn to overcome their prejudice of the 'barbarous' mass and to put their organisational and agitational skills to use in cooperation with the people. As great as the initial enthusiasm of the revolution is, victory does not come easy: "The epic is played out on a difficult, day-to-day basis and the suffering endured far exceeds that of the colonial period" (ibid., 90). The people get weary, and at some point, the coloniser changes his strategy. He no longer uses pure force to suppress the revolution but makes concessions and changes his rhetorics to pacify the people (cf. ibid. 91). At the same time, as the revolution becomes bigger and more complex, spontaneity shows its limits. The consequences of this are worth quoting in full length, as it is here that the intellectual's role becomes clearer: "The task of the political commissioner is to nuance their ~the peasants'~ position and make them aware that certain segments of the population have their own specific interests which do not always coincide with the national interest. The people then realize that national independence brings to light multiple realities which in some cases are divergent and conflicting. At this exact moment in the struggle clarification is crucial as it leads the people to replace an overall undifferentiated nationalism with a social and economic consciousness. The people who in the early days of the struggle had adopted the primitive Manichaeanism of the colonizer — Black versus White, Arab versus Infidel — realize en route that some blacks can be whiter than the whites, and that the prospect of a national flag or independence does not automatically result in certain segments of the population giving up their privileges and their interests" (ibid., 93). As long as the revolution only inverts the Manichean order, it remains within its binary structure and fails to create something new: the nation, the new people, that are needed to permanently overcome the condition of suppression. The people need to discover the nuances of the struggle, and it is the militant's job to help them do so, and this in turn will shape the idea of the future nation further. The danger of imitating the Western model, which is based on exploitation, is imminent, as the colonial economic structure is hierarchical by default. One of the primary dangers of post-independence is in that sense that the foreign rule is merely replaced by a local elite, the national bourgeoisie, which then becomes an "intermediary" (ibid., 100) for European interests and firms, thereby selling out the nation to multinational corporations. The task of the intellectual is in that sense twofold: On the one side, there is the positive task of cooperating to shape the future nation and creates its values and ideas, and the negative task of criticising anyone who tries to create a new national superstructure, and thereby to betray the national cause. The first task, the creation of the nation, cannot be done with help of an individualistic thinking, as this would once again reintroduce a binary structure, where the intellectual is leading the people. "Nobody has a monopoly on truth, neither the leader nor the militant. The search for truth in local situations is the responsibility of the community ~affaire collective~" (ibid., 139). This is a radically democratic endeavour, but it is not anarchic. Obviously, the new nation will need a government. But it is not majority rule that will guarantee its democratic nature. "The flow of ideas from the upper echelons to the rank and file and vice versa must be an unwavering principle, not for merely formal reasons but quite simply because adherence to this principle is the guarantee of salvation" (ibid., 138). Just as the politics of the new nation needs to be one of radical decentralisation (cf. ibid.), so is the truth of the new nation created on a fragmentary basis through discussion, participation, and responsibility: "To politicize the masses is not and cannot be to make a political speech. It means driving home to the masses that everything depends on them, that if we stagnate the fault is theirs, and that if we progress, they too are responsible, that there is no demiurge, no illustrious man taking responsibility for everything, but that the demiurge is the people and the magic lies in their hands and their hands alone" (ibid.). Is this not exactly that which Deleuze will call "the indignity of speaking for others" (Foucault/Deleuze, 209) in his conversation with Foucault? The negation of the monopoly of truth, the wresting of it from the hands of the elites, now shows its fundamentally democratic core. And does Fanon not anticipate and already develop the following statement by Foucault: "It is not to 'awaken consciousness' that we struggle, but to sap power, to take power; it is an activity conducted alongside those who struggle for power, and not their illumination from a safe distance. A 'theory' is the regional system of this struggle" (ibid., 208). My intention is not to negate the originality of Deleuze's and Foucault's thought, but rather to show that it has its genealogy that they don't seem to have grasped. May 68 as a child of the anticolonial struggle reintroduces a complexity not only into this particular event, but into the whole historiography of the second half of the 20th century. Forgetting it does not only lead to a whitewashing of these ideas, but also to many misunderstanding in view of their political nature. What fundamentally constitutes these ideas is the search for a new humanism, a new humanity that would free itself from exploitation and misery. In the words of Fanon: "~Decolonization~ infuses a new rhythm, specific to a new generation of men, with a new language and a new humanity. Decolonization is truly the creation of new men. But such a creation cannot be attributed to a supernatural power: The "thing" colonized becomes a man through the very process of liberation" (ibid., 2).
US wins space race now due to private competition – it's key to space dominance and militarization is good – the plan nukes the US's silver bullet against Chinese aggression
Weichert 21 – former Congressional staff member who holds a Master of Arts in Statecraft and National Security Affairs from the Institute of World Politics in Washington, D.C. He is the founder of The Weichert Report: An Online Journal of Geopolitics ~Brandon, "The Future of Space Exploration Depends on the Private Sector," 7/5/2021, https://www.nationalreview.com/2021/07/the-future-of-space-exploration-depends-on-the-private-sector/~~#slide-1~~ As Jeff Bezos, the wealthiest man on the planet, readies to launch himself AND America's dynamic start-ups win that race, not China's state capitalism.
And, space dominance key to global peace – nuclear and conventional deterrence is collapsing, which will provoke civilization-ending revisionist aggression from Russia and China
Dr. Robert Zubrin 19, Masters in Aeronautics and Astronautics and Ph.D. in Nuclear Engineering from the University of Washington, President of Pioneer Energy, Founder and President of the Mars Society, Senior Fellow with the Center for Security Policy, The Case for Space: How the Revolution in Spaceflight Opens Up a Future of Limitless Possibility, p. Google Books The United States needs a new national security policy. For the first time in AND of the other, we would be the overwhelming loser by the exchange.
Space dominance solves hegemony – deterrence strategies, even rudimentary ones, are perceived as weakness and causes aggression
Weichert 17 (Brandon J. Weichert. Brandon J. Weichert is a former Congressional staff member who holds a Master of Arts in Statecraft and National Security Affairs from the Institute of World Politics in Washington, D.C. He is the founder of The Weichert Report: An Online Journal of Geopolitics, "The High Ground: The Case for U.S. Space Dominance," Orbis, Vol 61, Issue 2, 2017, pp 227 – 237, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0030438717300108) While space superiority and space dominance share a militarized view of space, there are AND example, the overwhelming American presence in space presumably would dissuade potential attackers.
US hegemony prevents great-power conflicts that escalates to nuclear war
Brands and Edel 19 (Hal Brands and Charles Edel. Hal Brands is the Henry Kissinger Distinguished Professor of Global Affairs in the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. Charles Edel is a senior fellow at the United States Studies Centre at the University of Sydney and previously served on the U.S. Secretary of State's policy planning staff, "Rediscovering Tragedy. In The Lessons of Tragedy: Statecraft and World Order; Chapter 6: The Darkening Horizon," Yale University Press, pp 128-131 http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvbnm3r9.11) Each of these geopolitical challenges is different, and each reflects the distinctive interests, AND . It tells us there may be still-greater traumas to come.
2/6/22
T- Outerspace
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 6 | Opponent: Lexington AT | Judge: Srey Das
Low Earth orbit is the 'circle' around Earth's atmosphere up to 2000 kilometers above the surface. The satellites and other human-made space objects also orbit in the low earth orbit. The end of the orbit is the beginning of space, where solar winds start, and the Earth's atmosphere is too thin to be considered gas. Low earth orbit extends up to 2000 kilometers above the surface. All the atmosphere layers reside in this area, with almost 80 of the mass concentrated in the lowest layer, the troposphere. The weather, winds and tornados, plane flights, and satellite orbits all occur in this 2000-kilometer-high zone before space characteristics dominate the environment. The stratosphere is the second-lowest layer in the low Earth orbit. It starts at 10 kilometers above the surface, and even though its temperature rises through altitude due to UV radiation, its pressure decreases significantly. It contains the ozone layer and the cruising altitude for most commercial planes. Low Earth orbit is about 2000 kilometers, which is not very high by space and orbit standards. In fact, the end of the low orbit somehow marks the beginning of space. The International Space Station orbits 400 kilometers above the Earth's surface, and many satellites go above that. All the explorers sent to other planets pass the low Earth orbit at an early stage in their trip.
Violation—- Megaconstellations and satellite clusters are in low earth orbit
Drop the debater—- an aff without an aff is a neg presumption ballot A~ Clash—- impossible to clash over outer space legal nuances when the aff is specific to the atmosphere B~ Education—- Only discussing exactly what constitutes space can provide for topic specific education on an aff bias topic—- it's the only brightline C~ Predictable limits—- only our topic contains core discussion over the ISS, satellites, asteroid mining and more while setting a limit for what is outer space
No RVIs or 1AR theory on T—- justifies 2AR dumping and we don't get a 3NR—- and no reciprocity because the neg only gets IVIs—- underviews solve all their offense
Defer to compete competing interps—- reasonability justifies arbitrariness and increased judge intervention
2/20/22
Teaching Moments
Tournament: UNLV | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Mission San Jose SR | Judge: Panel
Give disabled debaters a win—it serves as a teaching moment.
Tournament: UNLV | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Mission San Jose SR | Judge: Panel ====Their appeal to intrinsic value of pleasure and pain is a western ethic which ascribes violence. Vote neg to recognize ethics are always already contingent.==== Valencia, 2010, Professor of cultural studies. Sayak Valencia, Gore Capitalism, p. 111-120, print -zc- In her call for a deontological ethics (made via an adaptation of the Kantian AND Other's – form of empowerment (inconceivable from the viewpoint of Western Ethics).
2/7/22
Util K
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 6 | Opponent: Lexington AT | Judge: Srey Das ====Their appeal to intrinsic value of pleasure and pain is a western ethic which ascribes violence. Vote neg to recognize ethics are always already contingent.==== Valencia, 2010, Professor of cultural studies. Sayak Valencia, Gore Capitalism, p. 111-120, print -zc- In her call for a deontological ethics (made via an adaptation of the Kantian AND Other's – form of empowerment (inconceivable from the viewpoint of Western Ethics).
2/20/22
Valencia
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 3 | Opponent: Byram Hills AK | Judge: Lukas Krouse ====Kantian Deontology necessitates violence – it universalizes ethics based on western assumptions of the "rational subject" which ignores that the "rational subject" is meaningless in all non-western discourses. The attempt to ascribe universal values is a kind of moral imperialism wherein the west systemically and violently eliminates those who it deems as "evil" or "bad actors" via endless genocides. The alternative is to reject the affirmative's universal ethics in order to develop another line of interpretation which breaks from the solipsistic delusion that we live in a history of our own making.==== Valencia, 2010, Professor of cultural studies. Sayak Valencia, Gore Capitalism, p. 111-120, print -zc- 3 In her call for a deontological ethics (made via an adaptation of the Kantian AND model for social integration" (Negri and Cocco, 2007, 2).
There's a top level double-bind – either a) they were ignorant of Kant's racial implications and so they'll concede that you should reject their framework or b) they weren't which is obviously bad.
The ROB is to evaluate competing ethical positions and the ROJ is to be an intellectual.
1. Predictability—resolved implies firm decisions so it's the only resolutional burden and comes first
2. Fiat can't overcome inherency and our rhetoric is the only thing that leaves the room because the policies we learn about become outdated by the time we can do anything about them.
3. Precedes arguments about topic education—we've impact turned their conception of the topic if we've proven their orientation wrong.
4. They chose their assumptions—they should be prepared to defend them and it means no limits explosion nor arbitrariness because it's reciprocal—- we're a critique of ideal theory