Tournament: Cypress Tradition | Round: 5 | Opponent: Trinity Prep Nikhil Daniel | Judge: Jayanne Forrest
Dunford 17 - Robin Dunford, University of Brighton, Journal of Global Ethics, September 21st 2017 "Toward a decolonial global ethics" ~https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17449626.2017.1373140~~ Accessed 10/1/20 SAO
Decolonial ethics is not without its tensions, some of which I explore in this
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ethical framework that can take seriously and challenge the legacy of colonial rule.
Curbishley 15 - Liddy Scarlet Curbishley student Masters of Humanities in Gender Studies August 2015 "Destabilizing the Colonization of Indigenous Knowledge In the Case of Biopiracy" ~https://dspace.library.uu.nl/bitstream/handle/1874/319612/Liddy20Thesis.pdf~~ Accessed 8/13/21 SAO
Vital for the aims of this thesis is the ability to use reflexivity when discussing
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instead move beyond these dominating dualistic ways of perceiving the world (200).
Kienpointner 96 – M. Kienpointner in the Journal Argumentation, November 1996 "Whorf and Wittgenstein. Language, world view and argumentation" ~https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF00142980~~ Accessed 9/18/19 SAO
An extreme case of linguistic expressions which let premises appear as indubitable truths or norms
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, so there is no need for equal opportunities in the educational system').
Paperson 17 - la paperson, June 1, 2017 also known as K. Wayne Yang, an associate professor of ethnic studies at the University of California, San Diego "A Third University is Possible" ~https://manifold.umn.edu/read/a-third-university-is-possible/section/884701be-04f4-4564-939d-d9905d0e80d9~~#cvi~~ Accessed 3/8/18 SAO
It is in Ferguson’s frame of queer desiring machines that I consider the scyborg (
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these technologies to bend the fabric of power to suit your decolonial desires.
Brady 17 - Janelle Brady, University of Toronto, Canadian Journal for New Scholars in Education, May 29th, 2017 "Education for whom? Exploring systems of oppression and domination" ~https://journalhosting.ucalgary.ca/index.php/cjnse/article/view/30801~~ Accessed 8/28/19 SAO brackets in original text
Knowledge systems and ways of knowing are rooted in people’s social locatedness and help them
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of the responsibility for the privileged to learn and unlearn about their privilege.
Poppe 16 - R.C Poppe, Utrecht University Repository, 2016 "APPLYING DECOLONIAL PERSPECTIVES TO CLIMATE ETHICS" ~https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/334548~~ Accessed 10/9/19 SAO
Relation and contribution to climate ethics As stated in the beginning of the previous chapter
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cognitive justice). Therefore, cognitive justice is a prerequisite of social justice.
~7~ Using extinction as a motivation for action obfuscates colonialism and papers over structural violence
Mitchell 17 - Audra Mitchell, Worldly, September 27, 2017"Decolonizing against extinction part II: Extinction is not a metaphor – it is literally genocide" ~https://worldlyir.wordpress.com/category/colonisation-and-settler-colonialism/~~ Accessed 10/19/18 SAO
Extinction is not a metaphor… Extinction has become an emblem of Western, and
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other basic materials makes survival on the land impossible for the people targeted.
And: Theory is violent and should be rejected.
Brady 2 - Janelle Brady, University of Toronto, Canadian Journal for New Scholars in Education, May 29th, 2017 "Education for whom? Exploring systems of oppression and domination" ~https://journalhosting.ucalgary.ca/index.php/cjnse/article/view/30801~~ Accessed 8/28/19 SAO
On the matter of objectivity, Code (as cited in Alcoff, 2007)
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claims to fairness for all in reimagining new possibilities for hope and change.
~2~ Notions of fairness in agonistic games are hopelessly vague and ideologically reinforce conquest
Lee 17 - Jonathan Rey Lee, Analog Game Studies, March 20th, 2017 "CAPITALISM AND UNFAIRNESS IN CATAN: OIL SPRINGS" ~http://analoggamestudies.org/2017/03/capitalism-and-unfairness-in-catan-oil-springs/~~ Accessed 9/14/20 SAO
Before the first turn was over, I knew I had won—a circumstance
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an experience—an embodied calling into question of certain social systems. –
~3~ We can cross apply the aff to theory. Solves ideological dogmatism and content exploration and turns every standard
Koh 13 - Ben Koh, NSD Update, October 1st, 2013 "Breaking Down Borders: Rethinking the Interaction Between Theory and Ethics" ~http://nsdupdate.com/2013/breaking-down-borders-rethinking-the-interaction-between-theory-and-ethics/~~ Accessed 8/14/20 SAO
First: Fairness is at its basis is an ethical concept. For instance at
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sets creates worse citizens, worse people, and ultimately a worse world.
===~1~ Workplace practices are built on colonialist exploitation===
Zhang 19 – Muqing M. Zhang, Muqing M. Zhang is a freelance writer and law student, "Colonialism is alive in the exploited tech work force", The Outline, June 6th, 2019, ~https://theoutline.com/post/7533/colonialism-is-alive-in-the-exploited-tech-work-force~~ Accessed 10/22/2021 AHS AP
In an age in which "fake news" can tip elections and online extremist content fuels white supremacist terror attacks, social media content moderation has become a battleground when it comes to online security and censorship. Facebook, for one, earlier this year announced a ban on "white nationalism and white separatism" content in the wake of white supremacist attacks committed by people motivated in part by extremist content on its platforms. But too often left out of the conversation on social media content moderation are the workers, most of whom are in the Global South, who are tasked with keeping hate speech, pornography, beheadings, and other banned content off of Facebook and other social media platforms. In 2014, Wired reported on U.S. tech and outsourcing companies that outsource content moderation to the Philippines for American mega-corporations like Facebook. While social media users in the West peruse social media sites like Facebook and Instagram, we are largely unaware of the invisible chain of workers in the Global South who are subjected to excruciatingly violent, pornographic, and other disturbing content while being paid a fraction of U.S. wages. This tech outsourcing infrastructure that exploits workers in the Global South who undertake the underpaid and at times traumatic labor of moderating social media content is not just an example of global inequality and the outsourcing of labor for the sake of Western comfort. It is an extension of Western colonization. U.S. corporate reliance on content moderation labor and outsourced tech labor in former Western colonies such as India, Vietnam, and the Philippines exploits the colonial identification and Western cultural fluency that has resulted from these countries’ colonization. For example, the English language fluency that is often a remnant of U.S. and British colonization in formerly colonized countries has now become commodified by tech companies, who turn these remnants of colonization into profit for their tech corporations. Thus, the global tech infrastructure that tech companies have built that exploits outsourced social media content moderators and tech workers in Global South formerly colonized countries is a vestige of U.S. and British colonialism — one that massively wealthy Silicon Valley tech companies exploit for their own profit. Content moderation is not simply a "low-skill" job — it is a role that requires a kind of cultural fluency and an ability to filter content that is likely to offend a particular audience’s sensibilities. Sarah T. Roberts, an assistant professor of information studies at UCLA, calls this form of labor "commercial content moderation." In her 2016 book Commercial Content Moderation: Digital Laborers' Dirty Work, Roberts explains that this form of labor relies on workers having a familiarity with "an imagined audience" or "set of values." Similarly, Eric Friginal, an associate professor of applied linguistics at Georgia State University, wrote in a 2007 paper that "The Philippines has become one of the major centers for outsourcing because of its tradition of bilingual education, affinity to the American culture, and cheap labor market." In fact, the Philippine’s colonization by the U.S. has been explicitly touted as a reason to outsource tech and content moderation to the Philippines, because it creates a "strong affinity to Western culture" and English language fluency, which in turn supposedly enables workers to better screen American and Western social media content. Thus, the exploitative labor of Filipino and other former U.S. and U.K. colonies can be understood as a symptom of the continued wound of colonialism. Silicon Valley’s content moderation labor chain depends on a fundamental colonial principle: forced acculturation and assimilation. Under U.S. colonial rule, the English language was the foundation of the colony’s universal public school system. The schooling system became a force for the "civilizing mission" of U.S. colonialism — what historian Renato Constantino called the "miseducation of the Filipino." The English education system was a tool for training Filipinos to speak, think, and act like "superior" white Americans. These are the very skills that now fulfill the demand of U.S. social media corporations. Commercial content moderation is not the first industry that has turned to a postcolonial labor force for its Western cultural fluency. In her 2018 book A Nation on the Line: Filipino Call Centers as Post-colonial Predicament, Jan Padios describes the call-center industry as one that "incites both national pride and deep anxiety about the nation’s future and its colonial past." Padios, an associate professor of American Studies at the University of Maryland, argues that the economic relationship between the U.S. and the Philippines relies on "Filipino/American relatability," an identification on the part of Filipinos with the U.S. — one that is a consequence of the material and emotional aftermath of U.S. empire. Thus, the violence of colonialism, including efforts such as Christian proselytizing, English language schools, and the erasure of indigenous Filipino culture and language, has created both the cultural and economic contexts in which Facebook and other corporations turn to cheap, acculturated, colonized labor. Describing the intensification of "affective demands and psychological repercussions" for Filipino workers, Padios argues that the deleterious effects of content moderation represent the impact of "capital’s colonization of the human psyche." In India, 200 years of British colonialism and English education and acculturation similarly found postcolonial incarnations in call centers for Western companies. Indian call-center employees, many of whom are aggressively coached to "Americanize" their accents, have become a punchline in the American imagination. Meanwhile, India has quietly become a hotbed for commercial content moderation. Facebook employs more than 1,400 content reviewers in India through third party contractors. These employees are required to review some 2,000 Facebook and Instagram posts in a single eight-hour shift. Notably, in 2015 and 2016 Facebook drew mass protests in India when it attempted to implement its "Free Basics" program, a program that would give Facebook monopoly power over Internet experience on mobile phones — vastly expanding Facebook’s censorship and surveillance apparatus — in the name of "digital equality." This system of Western consolidation of data, intellectual property, and platforms thus consolidates what has become known as "digital colonialism" — one unsurprisingly underpinned by the underpaid labor of formerly colonized peoples. Meanwhile, third-world content moderators who are traumatized by the content they filter are often left with little support to deal with the emotional aftermath such as in the case of the content moderation outsourced company in the Philippines at the center of this Wired piece. Jane Stevenson, head of the occupational health and welfare department for Britain’s National Crime Squad, saw so many investigators traumatized by the images they screened that she has since become an advocate for social media companies to provide support for content moderators. "From the moment you see the first image, you will change for good," Stevenson told Wired. The affective and economic violence that content moderation enacts on third world workers is a testament to the limits of reformist approaches to social media monopolies like Facebook. Too often, Global South participation in the "global economy" of information capitalism means traumatic, underpaid labor that exploits colonial acculturation and identification. Silicon Valley’s modern colonial labor chain is a reminder that white supremacy in tech doesn’t just come from its users: the legacy of colonialism is alive and well in Silicon Valley’s hidden chambers abroad.
Gourevitch 18’ – Alex Gourevitch, I am an associate professor of political science in the Department of Political Science. I have been an assistant professor at McMaster University, a Post-Doctoral Research Associate at Brown University's Political Theory Project, and a College Fellow at Harvard University. I received my Ph.D in political science from Columbia University in 2010, "The Right to Strike: A Radical View", Brown University, American Political Science Association, June 24th, 2018, Accessed 11/01/21 AHSAP
The right to strike protects an interest in non-exploitation in the labor market. It does so by ensuring that bargaining power between labor and capital is roughly equal.29 As such, the social democratic argument takes us some way to explaining why the right to strike must include some reasonable chance of success in striking. Absent that reasonable chance, the right would be a useless instrument for increasing the bargaining power of workers. Therefore, any proper right to strike must include not just permission for workers to use a range of tactics, but, also and therefore, more legal restraints on rights of property, managerial authority, and contract so as to secure the fair conditions for the exercise of this right. So, on the social democratic view, there is a potential double injustice that workers face. The first is the inequality of bargaining power of capitalist labor markets, the second is inadequate protection of labor rights that they ought to enjoy or, what is nearly the same thing, excessive legal prerogatives for capital owners and managers. That is to say, failure to properly institute labor rights, wherever that failure exists, constitutes its own, companion form of oppression because workers are denied an important freedom that they ought to enjoy. There is one potentially confusing feature of the social democratic argument. As presented above, it is an argument for why workers ought to enjoy a right to strike and, at least implicitly, an argument for what that right to strike would look like in an adequately social democratic society. But, on the best versions of the social democratic view, that is a moral argument for why workers should have a legal right to strike and what that legal right would look like. It is not an argument that workers under conditions of oppression would have the same right to strike. Instead, the aforementioned version of the social democratic argument for labor rights is part of an overall theory of when to count a socioeconomic order as oppressive. In that sense, the social democratic argument is compatible with a version of the radical right to strike. When workers lack (social democratic) labor rights and/or when their bargaining conditions are unfair, then they are justified in using a range of strike tactics, potentially including some that would not be permissible in an ideal social democratic regime, to resist that oppression. Notably, some figures historically associated with social democracy have made versions of that argument. Social democrats in the United States have claimed Samuel Gompers, John Lewis, even Eugene Debs for their tradition, while in Europe social democrats will draw on a long line of thinking originating with figures like Eduard Bernstein and Karl Kautsky.30 In their time, those figures defended enormously disruptive, coercive, and illegal strikes as a response to the actual injustices of their times, while arguing that workers should enjoy robust labor rights including a legally protected right to strike. Whether each of these individuals is properly understood as a ‘social democrat’ as opposed to, say, a ‘socialist,’ is less relevant than the basic point. The best version of the social democratic argument for a right to strike is two-pronged. Primarily, it is a moral argument for why workers ought to enjoy a legal right to strike as part of the fundamental economic liberties of the ideal constitution. But, secondarily, the social democratic argument is compatible with the radical right to strike because it recognizes the strike as a permissible way of claiming rights and resisting economic injustice. To the degree workers are denied their rights and face economic injustice, a social democrat could say, they enjoy a right to strike whose shape would not be determined by the shape of the right to strike they should ideally enjoy but, instead, by the fact that they have a right to resist oppression. As far as it goes, then, there is a family resemblance between the social democratic and the radical right to strike. The two versions will overlap when social democrats, in virtue of their conception of economic justice, have reason to argue that workers enjoy a right to strike that is best understood as a right to resist oppression. However, the views come apart with respect to the nature and scope of the relevant oppression. After all, on the social democratic view, one can secure distributive justice without correcting the basic class structure of actual societies and, in particular, without fundamentally challenging the inequalities in who is forced to work and who exercises control over the workplace. The primary social democratic claim, instead,is that the central distributive injustice to which labor rights respond lies in the unequal bargaining position of workers when it comes to hours, benefits, and wages. That leaves aspects of both structural and interpersonal oppression in the workplace either insufficiently modified or undertheorized as sources of complaint. As a consequence, the scope of strikes is implicitly limited because those forms oppression aren’t taken as objects against which strikes might legitimately be directed. It looks like the main point of unlawful and coercive strikes is to try to claim labor rights, like the right to strike, as a legal right. The central political purpose of strikes will be constrained. The private monopolization of wealth, the unequal distribution of coercive work obligations, and the hierarchical organization of the workplace are all consistent with the social democratic view. This will lead the social democrat to argue that certain kinds of strikes, say industry-wide strikes or political strikes against certain distribution policies or strikes over workplace control are outside the legitimate scope of permitted strikes—a view reflected in the labor law of some actual social democracies.31 On the radical view, however, the sources of oppression are more extensive and inter-related in a class society, which is why the right to strike has a wider scope.