Edina Scoggin Neg

Last modified by Mark Kivimaki on 2019/01/10 20:51

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Nirmal

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Nick Smith

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Rodrigo Paramo

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Nadella

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Apple Valley3

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Blake2

Opponent: Minnetonka PB | Judge: Nirmal

Blake5

Opponent: Canyon Crest SX | Judge: Nick Smith

Blake4

Opponent: Canyon Crest | Judge: John Boals

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Greenhill2

Opponent: McNeil AR | Judge: Rodrigo Paramo

Greenhill6

Opponent: Quarry Lane SK | Judge: Nadella

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Cites

EntryDate

0 - Contact Info

9/15/18

0 - Note for SectionsState

1/10/19

Interps

12/8/18

JF - DA - Climate Change

12/14/18

JF - K - QFKJ

12/15/18

JF - K - Queer Pess

Citizen/Outsider It has become clear that as a noncitizen, the only option I have in terms of participating in a democracy in which I have no guaranteed rights is to actively participate in a politics of disavowal. This is not my president. This is not my country. India is not my homeland. Desi does not necessarily define my community. Reproducing the familiar narrative of alienation and desire that marks the scholarship on diasporic belonging is not what I intend to do here. Important scholarship already exists on the multiplicity of these experiences and shows us all too clearly that nostalgic heteronormative narratives of home and away are woven through with invisible threads of queer impossibility, interracial intimacies, anti-racist solidarities, and counternationalist postcoloniality. Rather than claiming disavowal as a form of disengagement, I propose that the unsituatedness of the citizen or noncitizen “outsider” can be positioned to disrupt the norming of racial, sexual, and political difference in public discourse. The precarity of the outsider, although terrifying to those who occupy that position, could be a powerful stance from which to reorient public discourse towards justice in a climate where the engulfing of intersectional activism by mainstream Outsider Orbits ) 105 protest practice is not only apparent, but dangerously reproduces the conditions of oppression generated by white supremacy. Patricia Hill Collins’s work on the outsider within reminds us that the position of invisibility affords marginal bodies a view on the paradigms of power that organize relationality in an unequal society. She writes, “Outsiders within, occupy a special place—they become different people, and their difference sensitizes them to patterns that may be more difficult for established sociological insiders to see.”6 Although Collins advocates for operating within dominant structures of power and working to illuminate its fallacies, the outsider I evoke owes a debt to Rosi Braidotti’s illumination of nomadic sensibility7 as one that wanders across realms of identification, and purposefully orbits the core of power in order to connect with the multiplicity of orbits already taking place around it. It is outsiderness with a purpose, a collectivity around affect rather than identity. Likewise, Chela Sandoval wrote about the reality of the differential oppositional consciousness of third-world feminists, who necessarily shift between strategic positions that enable specific political actions, by sublimating a need for static belonging within one or another of our collectives. She writes, “Differential consciousness permits the practitioner to choose tactical positions, that is, to self-consciously break and reform ties to ideology, activities which are imperative for the psychological and political practices that permit the achievement of coalition across differences.”8 In the face of a global rise in political and cultural authoritarianism, strategies of collectivity have failed when political dissent attempts to mobilize around inclusivity rather than alienation, around “shared vision” rather than “shared illegibility.” This is not to blindly critique or rationalize failed collectivity but rather to offer a way forward for radical progressive politics in the current climate of liberal disciplining, tone-policing, and erasure. To disavow is not to disengage. Rather disavowal refocuses collective dissent around affects of otherness, outsiderness, and alienation. It is inherently a position of pacifist action that is informed by affects of rage, contempt, pessimism, and noncooperation. Being in these affects together, grounds outsider activism not around common goals, experiences, beliefs, but around common affects of precarity.9 This is, therefore, a call to mobilize around alienation. In a global moment where our identities are being weaponized against us, our most direct action is to embrace a collectivity around whom we serve, rather than who we are. This is already happening in various ways, in airports, in city centers across the world, in our diverse religious and political communities, and interconnected networks of labor. This is a call to imagine our collectivity as a temporary and responsive relationality that winks in and out of existence, whenever and wherever it is most 106 ( Pavithra Prasad needed. Collectivity looks like nice white ladies showing up at the next Black Lives Matter rally and remaining on the margins; it looks like citizens showing up at immigrant marches without claiming that we are all immigrants; it looks like feminists protecting the rights and dignities of sex workers without needing to save them; it looks like straight allies standing vigil with queer and trans folk without needing to be recognized; it looks like acting for and with communities to which you may never belong. It is accepting that we do not belong to each other. This is a call, not to take back a country, but to dismantle and relaunch it into orbit around a multitude of outsider trajectories that morph, coalesce, and disband in response to each other.
Here’s the first impact - heteronormative culture fetishizes anti-queerness. This violence is directed not just at one body but against all queerness - what it means to do violence against that which is nothing.
Stanley 11, Eric Stanley, professor of Gender and Sexuality Studies at the University of California Riverside, "Near Life, Queer Death Overkill and Ontological Capture”, https://queerhistory.files.wordpress.com/2011/06/near-life-queer-death-eric-stanley.pdf, published Summer 2011, accessed 8-2-17 Edina MK.
Overkill is a term used to indicate such excessive violence that it pushes a body beyond death. Overkill is often determined by the postmortem removal of body parts, as with the partial decapitation in the case of Lauryn Paige and the dissection of Rashawn Brazell. The temporality of violence, the biological time when the heart stops pushing and pulling blood, yet the killing is not finished, suggests the aim is not simply the end of a specific life, but the ending of all queer life. This is the time of queer death, when the utility of violence gives way to the pleasure in the other’s mortality. If queers, along with others, approximate nothing, then the task of ending, of killing, that which is nothing must go beyond normative times of life and death. In other words, if Lauryn was dead after the first few stab wounds to the throat, then what do the remaining fifty wounds signify? The legal theory that is offered to nullify the practice of overkill often functions under the name of the trans- or gay-panic defense. Both of these defense strategies argue that the murderer became so enraged after the “discovery” of either genitalia or someone’s sexuality they were forced to protect themselves from the threat of queerness. Estanislao Martinez of Fresno, California, used the trans-panic defense and received a four-year prison sentence after admittedly stabbing J. Robles, a Latina transwoman, at least twenty times with a pair of scissors. Importantly, this defense is often used, as in the cases of Robles and Paige, after the murderer has engaged in some kind of sex with the victim. The logic of the trans-panic defense as an explanation for overkill, in its gory semiotics, offers us a way of understanding queers as the nothing of Mbembe’s query. Overkill names the technologies necessary to do away with that which is already gone. Queers then are the specters of life whose threat is so unimaginable that one is “forced,” not simply to murder, but to push them backward out of time, out of History, and into that which comes before. 27 In thinking the overkill of Paige and Brazell, I return to Mbembe’s query, “But what does it mean to do violence to what is nothing?”28 This question in its elegant brutality repeats with each case I offer. By resituating this question in the positive, the “something” that is more often than not translated as the human is made to appear. Of interest here, the category of the human assumes generality, yet can only be activated through the specificity of historical and politically located intersection. To this end, the human, the “something” of this query, within the context of the liberal democracy, names rights-bearing subjects, or those who can stand as subjects before the law. The human, then, makes the nothing not only possible but necessary. Following this logic, the work of death, of the death that is already nothing, not quite human, binds the categorical (mis)recognition of humanity. The human, then, resides in the space of life and under the domain of rights, whereas the queer inhabits the place of compromised personhood and the zone of death. As perpetual and axiomatic threat to the human, the queer is the negated double of the subject of liberal democracy. Understanding the nothing as the unavoidable shadow of the human serves to counter the arguments that suggest overkill and antiqueer violence at large are a pathological break and that the severe nature of these killings signals something extreme. In contrast, overkill is precisely not outside of, but is that which constitutes liberal democracy as such. Overkill then is the proper expression to the riddle of the queer nothingness. Put another way, the spectacular material-semiotics of overkill should not be read as (only) individual pathology; these vicious acts must indict the very social worlds of which they are ambassadors. Overkill is what it means, what it must mean, to do violence to what is nothing.
The next impact - their unyielding attachment to the state simply allows its violent machinery to exist peaceably with progressive non-cis-hetero politics – that means the creation and extermination of more violent others and a strengthening of the political economic order.
Lamble 14
 Sarah Lamble, professor of law at the Birkbeck University of London,  "Queer Investments in Punishment" in Queer Necropolitics, pg. 163, published 2014, MK
Examining these queer investments in punishment and necropolitics, we can identify several recurring patterns. First, these trends suggest the emergence and expansion of a specifically queer penality. Although punishment is widely endorsed and socially sustained, it appears that LGBT organizations increasingly engage in citizenship claims that are explicitly bound up with punitive norms and values. The popularity of LGBT campaigns for the passage and enforcement of hate crime legislation, with the specific aim of increasing carceral penalties for those convicted, sutures claims of queer safety and freedom to state practices of caging.  Second, these trends reconfigure the neoliberal carceral state as the guardian of sexual citizenship rather than the perpetrator of violence. As Haritaworn argues:  The redefinition of crime, security, and integration as sexual problems lends an intimate touch to the hard arm of the state. The move of LGBT activism into the penal state enables the police to reinvent themselves as protector, patron, and sponsor of minorities at the very moment that their targeting of racialized populations and areas is reaching new levels.  (Haritaworn 2010: 83)  In an era of neoliberalism, where faith in the welfare state has been almost abandoned, it is striking how much faith is placed in the carceral state’s capacity to dole out justice, particularly when the state itself has begun to acknowledge the limits of this capacity (Garland 2001). In this context, queer investments in punishment become mechanisms through which the state enlists LGBT subjects as responsibilized partners in the ‘co-production of security’ (Garland 2001: 124) and acquires consent and support for one of its most systemically violent institutions. Whereas law and order politics once belonged more firmly in a right- wing conservative agenda, policing and punishment in these contexts have been transformed into ‘symbols of social inclusion and care for sexual diversity’ (Haritaworn 2010).  Third, these processes go hand in hand with the perpetual (re)invention of a dangerous Other, who is easily recognized through older tropes of criminality: the ‘homophobic Muslim’, the ‘working-class yob’ or the ‘backwards immigrant’ (Haritaworn 2010). State recognition of the respectable, enlightened and worthy sexual citizen is thus produced through the reproduction of a dangerous Other who offers a scapegoat for the insecurities and vulnerabilities produced by the contemporary political economic order. The production of these dual figures works to entrench the dividing line between those who are marked for life and vitality and those who are marked for abandonment and death.  

Our alternative is Queer Nihilism-A continuous struggle of negativity against every possible form of civil society. Ours is a recognition that there is no space for the queer within the symbolic order and never will be and that the only life worth living is one of inevitable struggle in which we ascribe ourselves to the death drive. There is no perm-we are an embrace of the inherent destruction of society, the 1AC embraces it in some form.
Baedan 12 "Baedan." The Anarchist Library. N.p., Summer 2012. Web. 02 Nov. 2016. APPLE VALLRY JOHN BOALS
Leftist notions of reform, progress, tolerance, and social justice always come up against the harsh reality that any progressive development can only mean a more sophisticated system of misery and exploitation; that tolerance means nothing; that justice is an impossibility. Activists, progressive and revolutionary alike, will always respond to our critique of the social order with a demand that we articulate some sort of alternative. Let us say once and for all that we have none to offer. Faced with the system’s seamless integration of all positive projects into itself, we can’t afford to affirm or posit any more alternatives for it to consume. Rather we must realize that our task is infinite, not because we have so much to build but because we have an entire world to destroy. Our daily life is so saturated and structured by capital that it is impossible to imagine a life worth living, except one of revolt. We understand destruction to be necessary, and we desire it in abundance. We have nothing to gain through shame or lack of confidence in these desires. There cannot be freedom in the shadow of prisons, there cannot be human community in the context of commodities, there cannot be self-determination under the reign of a state. This world—the police and armies that defend it, the institutions that constitute it, the architecture that gives it shape, the subjectivities that populate it, the apparatuses that administer its function, the schools that inscribe its ideology, the activism that franticly responds to its crises, the arteries of its circulation and flows, the commodities that define life within it, the communication networks that proliferate it, the information technology that surveils and records it—must be annihilated in every instance, all at once. To shy away from this task, to assure our enemies of our good intentions, is the most crass dishonesty. Anarchy, as with queerness, is most powerful in its negative form. Positive conceptions of these, when they are not simply a quiet acquiescence in the face of a sophisticated and evolving totality of domination, are hopelessly trapped in combat with the details of this totality on its own terms. 

The role of the ballot is to vote for the debater who best challenges educational futurism – antiqueerness is embedded in education and brackets out any modes of thought outside, which necessitates challenging it.
Greteman 14
Adam Greteman, Journal of Philosophy of Education, Vol. 48, No. 4, 2014, Director of the Masters of Art in Teaching (MAT) Program and Assistant Professor of Art Education at the School of the Art Institute in Chicago (Art Education). MK
I touch the future’, Christa McAuliffe said, ‘I teach’. This resonates with educators. By passing on skills, knowledge, and ideas that will be used at later times, they reach out to an unseen future and touch it. Teachers tell their students to study and work hard, for the things they are learning will be needed in the future. The lesson of the day may be applied to a test at the end of the week, or it may be the basis for work that will be carried out at the next grade level. It may even help prepare a student for college, or for a job, or for a fulfilling life. Whatever the specifics, the commonality here is that learning now prepares students for a yet unknown then. Teaching and schooling are suffused with concern about, discussion of, and focus on the future. This theme of futurity carries on beyond school walls and enters political discourse on education. President John F. Kennedy noted, ‘Children are the world’s most valuable resource and its best hope for the future’, while Malcolm X claimed ‘education is the passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to those who prepare for it today’. But, education is not merely directed toward the future of the individual, but also toward the future of the nation. A Nation at Risk, the oft-quoted 1983 US Department of Education report on the state of American education, tells us that, People are steadfast in their belief that education is the major foundation for the future strength of this country. They even considered education more important than developing the best industrial system or the strongest military force, perhaps because they understood education as the cornerstone of both . . . Very clearly, the public under-stands the primary importance of education as the foundation for a satisfying life, an enlightened and civil society, a strong economy, and a secure Nation (National Commission on Excellence in Education, The Public’s Commitment section, 1983, para. 2) Close to 20 years after the publication of  A Nation at Risk, the most sweeping educational reform effort of our time, No Child Left Behind, returned the focus back to the Child, continuing the focus on the future in education and the necessity of the Child to maintain the competitiveness of the nation. As former president George W. Bush asserted in one of his last speeches in office, NCLB,. . . starts with this concept: Every child can learn. We believe that it is important to have a high quality education if one is going to succeed in the 21st century. It’s no longer acceptable to be cranking people out of the school system and saying, okay, just go—you know, you can make a living just through manual labor alone. That’s going to happen for some, but it’s not the future of America, if we want to be a competitive nation as we head into the 21st century (Bush, 2009, para.22). And more recently, President Obama, in a speech when he was running for the office, asserted, ‘We are the nation that has always understood that our future is inextricably linked to the education of our children’ (Obama,2008, para. 10). Along the same lines, the current Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, has stated that, ‘Today, more than ever, better schooling provides a down payment on the nation’s future’(Duncan, 2009, para. 15).Within these statements, the future cannot be separated from those it relies on—predominately ‘children’. These assumptions made in regards to children, their role in the future, and schools’ roles in creating that future are seemingly ingrained in our society and our politics. The presence of this future focus may seem uncontroversial, its influence benign. Such assumptions may appear to be natural and beyond question, particularly since this futurist-focus originated, in part, with the spread of education during the Enlightenment, with its progress-oriented philosophical perspectives. Yet, we wish to question these assumptions, to explore how they can set narrow boundaries around children in schools. In carrying out this task, we employ the work of Lee Edelman and John Dewey to examine the educational ramifications of the focus on the future, which we call ‘educational futurism’ after Edelman’s (2004) ‘reproductive futurism’. Our argument seeks specifically to explore how educational futurism imposes limits on educational discourse and privileges a certain future, thus making it unthinkable to imagine ways outside of such a privileged future. We turn to Edelman for his ‘reproductive futurism’, which is embodied in the regulatory figure of ‘the Child’, because it is seems particularly apt to the educational settings, practices and discourses which are our concern.

)))
12/15/18

ND - K - Queer Pess

11/3/18

ND - NC - Delib Democracy

11/3/18

SO - CP - Sex ed

9/15/18

SO - DA - Cybersecurity

9/15/18

SO - K - Fem Killjoy

9/16/18

SO - K - Queer Killjoy

9/16/18

SO - T - Reporters

9/15/18

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